“The candidate is the candidate of a party; but if the president is
worth his salt he is the president of the whole people.”– President Theodore
Roosevelt, speech at City Park, Little Rock, Arkansas, October 25, 1905
This quote struck me with full force these last couple of days during
a week at the Chautauqua Institution
devoted to “America 1863”: specifically, how American Presidents in the 1860s
determined “the whole people.” James Buchanan was so set on placating Southern
slaveholders that the possibility of the most basic rights for African-Americans
never entered his mind. Andrew Johnson, who initially wanted to deal harshly
with the planter class for driving secession, eventually fell victim to the
poisonous consciousness this group inflicted on poor whites by allying himself with
the slaveowners against freedmen.
It was only Abraham Lincoln, with his “new birth of freedom,”
who enlarged the notion of “the whole people.” The 13th Amendment,
outlawing slavery, was, as indicated in the Steven Spielberg film Lincoln,
legislation that Lincoln pushed through an often-recalcitrant Congress. It gave irresistible
momentum to the 14th Amendment, which declared that all persons “born
or naturalized in the United States” were citizens—not only the slaves that the
war revolved around but also the immigrants subject to the prejudice of the “Know-Nothings”
in the 1850s. As such, the 14th Amendment sought to put into
practice Lincoln’s great line: “In giving freedom to the slave, we assure
freedom to the free - honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve.”
Andrew Johnson would have been appalled at Theodore Roosevelt’s expansive
notion of executive power. But the latter notion rested on T.R.’s belief that the President
was the “steward of the people,” a stance that allowed him to arbitrate, more
fairly than his predecessors, between capital and labor, and to conserve our
national parks for “the whole people” of future generations.
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