When we had imaginings
And we had all kinds of things.”— British singer-songwriter and musician Yusuf/Cat Stevens, “(Remember the Days of the) Old Schoolyard,” from his Izitso LP (1977)
A cultural "omniblog" covering matters literary as well as theatrical, musical, historical, cinematic(al), etc.
[Among the rich lore of legends associated with the film “Vampire’s Kiss,” pictured here, David Marchese asks star Nicolas Cage if it’s true that he asked to have “hot yogurt poured on your toes” during an intimate scene.]
Cage: “There was some yogurt. There
wasn’t hot yogurt, and I think I was administering the yogurt to myself.”
Marchese:
“But why?”
Cage: “I don’t really remember.”
Marchese: “It’s better that you don’t.”
Cage: “Probably.”— Oscar-winning
American film actor Nicolas Cage, interviewed by David Marchese, “Nicolas Cage
Made Himself A Legend. Then He Had to Live With It,” The New York Times
Magazine, May 31, 2026
Well, I’m
glad we got that squared away. I think.
Faithful
reader, do you recall perhaps the most bizarre interview ever conducted on
David Letterman’s Late Show? Oscar-winning actor Joaquin Phoenix
made the late-night host uncomfortable with his long hair, unkempt beard, and
gaseous musings—until admitting a year later that it was all staged for a mock
documentary.
I wonder if the same phenomenon is going on—and has been for years—with Nicolas Cage. Stories like the one above are only marginally less nutty than the ones retailed for years about him (including that the urban legend that the actor actually is a vampire).
Did the actor, bored by
what Joni Mitchell called “the star-making machinery,” decide to have a little
fun with his interviewer?
It
wouldn’t be the first time that a celebrity spun a few fables for an
all-too-credulous reporter or talk-show host. Bob Dylan was famous for that. The
late director David Lynch and Twilight star Robert Pattinson were also known to have
invented a tale or two.
Cage
didn’t stop with that little yogurt yarn.
He
disputed that he’d taken an aquarium from the Museum of Modern Art (actually,
he says, it was a Lucite box that covers artifacts, and he had “used it as an
enclosure for a king snake”).
And he
acknowledged having jumped as many as four beer kegs in his childhood, and of
even planning a “hoop of fire” around the whole until a sensible adult came and
took it away.
Please—enough
already! Nobody can be this crazy. It’s all a put-on—right?
“There was the usual insincere little note saying: ‘I wanted you to be the first to know.’ It was a double shock to Michael, announcing, as it did, both the engagement and the imminent marriage; which, moreover, was to be held, not in New York, decently and far away, but here in Paris under his very nose, if that could be said to extend over the Protestant Episcopal Church of the Holy Trinity, Avenue George-Cinq. The date was two weeks off, early in June.”—American novelist and short-story writer F. Scott Fitzgerald (1896-1940), “The Bridal Party,” originally printed in Saturday Evening Post (August 9, 1930), reprinted in The Short Stories of F. Scott Fitzgerald, edited by Matthew J. Bruccoli (1989)
F. Scott Fitzgerald
and a June wedding—how could I resist blogging about this? Well, as you see, I
couldn’t.
But “The Bridal Party” is of interest for another
reason: it was Fitzgerald’s first piece of fiction to take into account the
Great Crash of the prior autumn. Though the bridegroom in the story, we are
told, is “heavily involved” in the stock market, nobody knows how much he had
lost on Wall Street: “Anyhow, nobody ever tells you the truth.”
Fitzgerald would later address this financial and
cultural cataclysm more fully and piercingly in several essays that form the
heart of his posthumous collection The Crack-Up.
June 3, 1961—Any hopes that John F. Kennedy harbored for easing superpower tensions were quickly discarded when Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev badgered and bullied the inexperienced American President in their first and only face-to-face meeting.
The
importance of the Vienna Summit did not lie in any agreements concluded,
but instead in the attempt made by the cool, aristocratic, 43-year-old JFK and
the volatile, 67-year-old former peasant to take the measure of the other. The
differences between the democracy and the Communist dictatorship they headed
were heightened by their temperaments.
When the
talks, conducted in the US and Soviet embassies in this nonaligned Central
European city, ended the following day, Kennedy noted carefully to the pack of
reporters that no issues had been settled. Privately, to those he trusted more,
he was blunter.
“He just
beat the hell out of me,” JFK told influential New York Times columnist
James Reston. “It was the worst thing in my life. He savaged me.”
Kennedy
was unprepared for this diplomatic drubbing. Suffering from intense back pain
and Addison’s Disease (an adrenal insufficiency that causes persistent fatigue
and muscle weakness), he had brought with him to the summit a physician to
celebrities, Dr. Max Jacobson.
Injections
administered by “Dr. Feelgood” temporarily relieved the President’s symptoms
(even giving him such a sense of euphoria that he bounded down steps to greet Khrushchev
on the first day).
But the mixture of “vitamins” may have contained amphetamines, which, diplomatic historian Michael Beschloss observed in his superb The Crisis Years, can cause “nervousness, garrulousness, impaired judgment, overconfidence, and, when the drug wears off, depression.”
Did Khrushchev, who
had risen into Joseph Stalin’s inner circle by staying alert to threats and
weaknesses of rivals, notice any of these signs of the drug in the man facing
him?
While Kennedy
carried with him to Vienna physical problems that could have hampered his
performance, Khrushchev brought psychological ones that complicated the talks.
Psychiatrists
have formulated “the Goldwater rule” to warn against assessing the mental health
of a candidate without examination by a professional.
But, given
totalitarian regimes’ barriers to unfettered access to information, the US
Central Intelligence Agency may have come as close as anyone ever will in a 1961
“personality sketch” which concluded that Khrushchev suffered from “hypomania,”
associated with “lability of mood and with rapid shifts to anger or
depression.”
That
condition would explain many, if not all, of Khrushchev’s shifts from earthy
humor to violent outbursts like his notorious shoe-banging episode at the
United Nations, as well as impulsive tactical moves that caught both Western
adversaries and ostensible Kremlin colleagues off guard.
The failed
American-backed invasion of Cuba only six weeks before the summit furnished Khrushchev
with a cudgel against Kennedy—a pointed reminder that the U.S. had not only
interfered with another country in the Western Hemisphere but that it had been
inept and impotent in doing so.
But Khrushchev
also sought to convert a Soviet disadvantage—a swelling exodus of refugees from
Communist-controlled East Berlin to the Western-oriented sector of the city—into
yet another weapon against JFK. The US must either agree to a settlement favorable
to East Berlin in six months, he insisted, or the USSR would forge its own
agreement with it that would leave it free to cut off Western access to the
city.
"Force
will be met by force. If the US wants war, that's its problem. It is up to the
US to decide whether there will be war or peace,” Khrushchev told JFK.
“Then, Mr.
Chairman, there will be war,” Kennedy answered. “It will be a cold
winter."
Khrushchev’s
ultimatum and loose talk about nuclear weapons stunned the American. I wrote
earlier that no agreement was reached in Vienna, but it would be a mistake to
say there were no consequences. JFK went home and, after consulting with
advisers, delivered a televised address to the American people in which he called
for:
Under intense
internal pressure from the Politburo, Khrushchev erected the Berlin Wall and
resumed above-ground nuclear testing after the summit. The most dangerous period
of the Cold War, climaxing over a year later in the Cuban Missile Crisis,
ensued.
“Compassion is an unstable emotion. It needs to be translated into action, or it withers. The question of what to do with the feelings that have been aroused, the knowledge that has been communicated. If one feels that there is nothing 'we' can do—but who is that 'we'?—and nothing 'they' can do either—and who are 'they'—then one starts to get bored, cynical, apathetic.” — American critic, novelist, filmmaker, philosopher, teacher, and political activist Susan Sontag (1933-2004), Regarding the Pain of Others (2002)
“A pragmatist turns his back resolutely and once for all upon a lot of inveterate habits dear to professional philosophers. He turns away from abstraction and insufficiency, from verbal solutions, from bad a priori reasons, from fixed principles, closed systems, and pretended absolutes and origins. He turns towards concreteness and adequacy, towards facts, towards action, and towards power. That means the empiricist temper regnant, and the rationalist temper sincerely given up. It means the open air and possibilities of nature, as against dogma, artificiality and the pretence of finality in truth.”— American philosopher and psychologist William James (1842-1910), Pragmatism: A New Name for Some Old Ways of Thinking (1907)
[Fearful for her son Ronnie’s safety over the news that he wants to move to Greenwich Village, Gracie concocts a plan: to visit his apartment disguised as beatnik model “Mona Lisa.”]
Gracie
Allen [played
by Gracie Allen, right]: “I think I know a way of finding out about Ronnie
without him knowing I'm there.”
Blanche
Morton [played
by Bea Benaderet, left]: “Look, Gracie, before you do whatever it is you're
thinking of doing, would you take a little friendly advice?”
Gracie: “Well, sure.”
Blanche: “I think it's going to be silly.”
Gracie: “Oh, Blanche, this is no time to
give me silly advice when I'm worrying about Ronnie!”— The George Burns and Gracie Allen
Show, Season 6,
Episode 7, “Ronnie Moves to the Village,” original air date Nov. 14,
1955, teleplay by Harvey Helm, Keith
Fowler, Norman Paul, and William Burns, directed by Frederick De Cordova