Showing posts with label Federal Bureau of Investigation. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Federal Bureau of Investigation. Show all posts

Thursday, December 24, 2020

Movie Quote of the Day (‘It’s a Wonderful Life,’ With George in Mr. Potter’s Spiderweb)

Mr. Potter [played by Lionel Barrymore] [to George Bailey]: “I'm offering you a three-year contract at $23,000 a year, starting today. Is it a deal or isn't it?”

George Bailey [played by James Stewart]: “Well, Mr. Potter, I... I... I know I ought to jump at the chance, but I... I just... I wonder if it would be possible for you to give me 24 hours to think it over?”

Potter: “Sure, sure, sure. You go on home and talk about it to your wife.”

George: “I'd like to do that.”

Potter: “In the meantime, I'll draw up the papers.”

George: “All right, sir.”

Potter [offering hand]: “Okay, George?”

George [taking his hand]: “Okay, Mr. Potter.”

[As they shake hands, George feels a physical revulsion. He drops his hand, then peers intently into Potter's face.]

George [vehemently]: “No... no... no... no, now wait a minute, here!  I don't have to talk to anybody!  I know right now, and the answer is no! NO!  Doggone it!” [Getting madder all the time] “You sit around here and you spin your little webs and you think the whole world revolves around you and your money. Well, it doesn't, Mr. Potter! In the... in the whole vast configuration of things, I'd say you were nothing but a scurvy little spider!”—It’s a Wonderful Life (1946), screenplay by Frances Goodrich, Albert Hackett, and Frank Capra, based on an original story by Philip Van Doren Stern, directed by Frank Capra

I haven’t watched It’s a Wonderful Life yet this year, but after multiple viewings, I don’t think I need to anymore. Over the last few weeks, this snatch of dialogue sprang to mind.

I think many of us have encountered a “scurvy little spider” at some point in our lives. I can think of at least one at the national level—maybe you can, too.

The message of Frank Capra’s film classic—and of this holiday season—is that such ceaseless schemers don’t win, and that for every Potter, there’s a George Bailey in our community—and maybe even our own family.

Merry Christmas, Bedford Falls—and beyond!

(By the way, for an absorbing look at one of the little-known aspects about the environment in which It’s a Wonderful Life was released, see this article from the Website “History Collection” about how the FBI initially regarded the film as Communist propaganda, even though Capra, a conservative Republican, not only loathed Marxism but even Franklin Roosevelt. It seems that, in J. Edgar Hoover’s paranoid organization, Mr. Potter was seen as an insidious reflection of the capitalist system as a banker—even though George and Peter Bailey also ran financial institutions.)

Friday, May 12, 2017

Quote of the Day (Stephen Colbert, on Trump and ‘Hungry Hungry Hippos’)



“One thing we’ve learned from the last two years of Donald Trump is that, what it seems like he’s doing is exactly what he’s doing. There’s no grand strategy. He’s not some puppet master, he’s not some wizard playing three-dimensional chess. He’s playing Hungry Hungry Hippos—he’s just slapping until he gets all of the marbles.”—The Late Show host Stephen Colbert, discussing President Donald Trump’s firing of FBI Director James Comey, quoted in Tufayel Ahmed, “Stephen Colbert Presents 'Trump's Letters' Firing Comey,” Newsweek, May 11, 2017

Sunday, June 6, 2010

This Day in Film History (Chaplin Tramps Out of Court a Loser in Paternity Suit)


June 6, 1945—America had embraced Charlie Chaplin, a onetime London street urchin with a Dickensian childhood, when his “Little Tramp” became perhaps the most easily recognizable and loved silent-film character. But the movie star felt an increasing alienation from the U.S. when a Los Angeles judge refused to hear an appeal ordering him to pay child-maintenance fees —even though three different paternity tests determined that he had not fathered the little girl.

Chaplin found himself in this predicament because of a liaison with Joan Barry, a 22-year-old aspiring actress that he considered casting in his adaptation of a Paul Vincent Carroll play, Shadow and Substance (a project never completed). The resulting sex scandal and legal morass bore some resemblance to one 50 years later involving another beloved big-screen funnyman, Woody Allen.

Both Chaplin and Allen achieved fame by virtue of screen personae—nebbishes with idealistic attitudes but little prowess toward the opposite sex—with no relation whatsoever to their real selves. Both saw their careers damaged, at least initially, in their fifties because of affairs with females three decades their juniors. And both cases were sparked by nasty splits from romantic companions who had appeared (or were slated to do so) in their films.

Chaplin’s case lacked the sense of transgression of Allen’s (the latter’s young lover, Soon-Yi Previn, was the adopted daughter of paramour and muse Mia Farrow, so the affair gave off the whiff of quasi-incest), or some of the piquant details that made the latter a daily tabloid bonanza (e.g., Farrow discovered the affair when she found nude photos of Soon-Yi in the Woodman’s apartment).

But, though almost certainly innocent of the charges brought against him, Chaplin had followed a years-long pattern of (mis)behavior that made him vulnerable to scandal.

Over the prior three decades, Chaplin had cheerfully entered into one sexual relationship after another, with his more famous amours rumored to include Paulette Goddard, Louise Brooks, Hedy Lamarr and Marian Davies. Nothing remarkable about that in the skirt-chasing male warrens of Hollywood..

What was remarkable, however, was that a high percentage of these involved women who were very young—sometimes only in their mid-teens. In fact, while Charlie grew older, his type of woman barely budged at all in age. Here’s a fast rundown:


* Hetty Kelly, his first true love (she was 15, he 19);
* Mildred Harris (she was 16, he 29);
* Lita Grey (she 16, he 35);
* Georgia Hale (she 19, he 35);
* Joan Barry (she 22, he 51—we’ll get to this in a second); and
* Oona O’Neill, daughter of playwright Eugene O’Neill (she 18, he 54)


Some of these women ended up going to the altar with Chaplin. It’s a safe bet, however, that the one he regretted was Barry. A fast review of her pre-Charlie history will show why he came to feel this way:


* She came to Los Angeles at age 18 and soon had been arrested for shoplifting from a department store;


* Short of funds, she became the kept woman of a shoe salesman, and even after the relationship sometimes registered herself in hotels as “Mrs. Mark Warner”;


* Before long, she had set her sights considerably higher—on oil tycoon J. Paul Getty, who kept her, for awhile, in high style;


* Still with her sights on Hollywood, she came to a party on board the yacht of Spencer Tracy. No liaison resulted from that, but the same night she met Chaplin, to whom she began to pour out her frustrations about getting a job in the film industry.


Chaplin—now a major success in his own right—was very sympathetic, and before long he’d signed her to a contract. What did he see in her—another Katharine Hepburn? At least another Edna Purviance, a prior co-star (and lover) of his?

Well, he explained, in slightly elevated language, considering the subject matter, a couple of decades later in his autobiography: “Miss Barry was a big handsome woman of twenty-two, well built, with upper regional domes immensely expansive which…evoked my libidinous curiosity.”


Two years later—after Barry had shown up, unannounced at points, on his doorstep; after she had engaged in one inexplicable outburst after another, including getting drunk and breaking the windows of his home; after he’d been induced to pay for two of her abortions; after she took him to court, claiming that a baby she carried to term was his; after she’d reneged on a deal between his lawyers and hers that, if two paternity tests established he couldn’t be the father, she wouldn’t pursuit the case further—well, after all that, this Renaissance man of film, who even composed a well-known theme for his movie Limelight, was not singing “Thanks for the Mammaries.”

Barry’s charges dovetailed with efforts by the Federal Bureau of Investigation—which had him on its radar screen since the early 1920s—to bring Chaplin to ground.

The Roosevelt administration, which wanted the public to see the Soviets as a firm partner in the Grand Alliance against the Axis powers, took little if any notice of Chaplin’s woolly-minded statement that that Stalin’s purges had been “a wonderful thing” (“In those purges the Communists did away with their Quislings and Lavals, and if other nations had done the same there would not be the original Quislings and Lavals today.”)

But J. Edgar Hoover did, and his agents began to compile evidence that Chaplin had violated the Mann Act, a piece of legislation from the Progressive Era with an excellent intention—stopping young women from being forced into prostitution—but which had, over the years, been used to selectively punish people (such as boxer Jack Johnson) who had somehow violated social mores with a consenting adult.

Chaplin ended up acquitted of violating the Mann Act, but the judge in the Barry case refused to dismiss her charges, because the paternity tests that had exonerated Chaplin were not generally used in California courts. Until the state legislature passed such legislation, the case had to proceed, he ruled.

The first paternity trial was a mistrial; Chaplin lost the second, and was forced to pay $75 a week to Barry’s daughter Carol Ann, with an increase to $100 as her needs grew until she reached the age of 21.


In 1953, Joan Barry was committed to a mental institution by her mother after having been found walking on the street barefoot muttering, “This is magic.” In that same year, California adopted a law to accept blood tests to determine paternity, and the ruling against Chaplin in the paternity suit was overturned.

But it was too late for the star. His 1948 film Monsieur Verdoux (in the image accompanying this post), about a bluebeard who is compared favorably to thieving capitalists, further soured a public that had loved the Little Tramp. Four years later, while attending the London premiere of Limelight, Chaplin's re-entry visa was revoked because he was deemed a “security risk.”

In 1972, enough time had passed so that the perfect storm that had nearly engulfed Chaplin decades earlier—his unwary private behavior and the McCarthyism that wildly exaggerated his political naivete—could abate. Returning to Hollywood to accept an honorary Oscar, he was greeted, at last, rapturously, as this pioneer of film comedy deserved to be.

Saturday, July 26, 2008

This Day in Criminal Justice History (Precursor to FBI Founded)

July 26, 1908—It is difficult to imagine the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) earlier than the appointment of longtime director J. Edgar Hoover in 1924, but in fact it came into being as part of a departmental reorganization and struggle with Congress in the administration of President Theodore Roosevelt on this date.

Even when it was established, the Bureau of Investigation (as it was known then) sparked fears that it might lead to “secret services,” “black cabinets,” “and a network of spies and detectives. Does this mean its critics were prescient civil libertarians? Hardly.

The beef that these critics—mostly on Capitol Hill—had with the new agency related to matters such as federal vs. state authority, the necessity to keep up with new legislation and executive directors—and, most galling to Congressional grandees, executive branch investigations of members of the legislative branch over land fraud.

For years, the Department of Justice relied on Secret Service agents on loan from the Treasury Department for ad hoc investigations. President Roosevelt’s vigorous use of his office through new executive orders and revived enforcement of dormant statutes made this no longer possible.

Things came to a head in 1907 when the President appointed as
Attorney-General Charles J. Bonaparte (yes, he was the grandnephew of that Bonaparte). The new A-G not only didn’t like the idea of continually importing new agents, but also of having little budgetary control over them.

At the same time, Congress became up in arms when T.R. and Bonaparte used their borrowed Secret Service agents in an investigation of an Oregon land fraud case that resulted in the conviction of a U.S. senator and congressman. (One of these agents, the flamboyant Irish-American detective
William J. Burns, went on to become Hoover’s immediate predecessor at the Bureau.)

In the spring of 1908, Roosevelt tried behind-the-scenes persuasion with Speaker of the House Joe Cannon, urging him to delete a provision in an appropriations bill calling for an end to the Secret Service loan practice, noting that it would “materially interfere with the administration of justice and will benefit only one class of people—and that is the criminal class.” In further elaboration of his theme, Roosevelt added a comment that has continued to be trotted out by politicians since then when it comes to crime programs: “There is no more foolish outcry against this than ‘spies’; only criminals need fear our detectives.”

Despite media coverage noting about “land sharks” and “the tools of thieves,” the House of Representatives paid no heed to T.R., even though as President he was, in effect, the head of their party. With the start of the new fiscal year on July 1, Bonaparte would have to do without Secret Service agents.

Except that the A-G proceeded to pull an end-run around the House. On July 26, he ordered nine Secret Service agents hired under the old rules, 13 civil-rights investigators, and 12 “examiners” (who audited the accounts of U.S. attorneys, marshals and clerks) to investigate such areas as antitrust, peonage and land fraud—an agenda resonant with a Progressive agenda of reform. That fall, he slipped a reference into his annual report about the reorganization/expansion of the department. Hardly anybody noticed.

Nobody, that is, until his boss, T.R., made his feelings known about what had happened and why it was needed. In his annual message to Congress that December, he announced, “The chief argument in favor of the [Secret Service] amendment was that Congressman themselves did not wish to be investigated.” Their amour proper wounded, Congress gave the enormously popular but annoying (to them, anyway) T.R. a nice little shove as he left the White House by overwhelmingly rebuking him.

Nevertheless, the President had his detective force, and in time it had more than its share of action. The first significant expansion of its agenda came following passage of the Mann Act in 1910, which banned the transport of women across states for immoral purposes. But its greatest period of growth came under Hoover—who, ironically, was hailed at the time of his appointment for bringing scientific management—one of the promises of governments of the Progressive Era—to the Bureau.

Friday, April 4, 2008

This Day in American History (Assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.)


April 4, 1968—With a single round from his hunting rifle, James Earl Ray ended the life of civil-rights advocate Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. at 6 pm at the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, Tenn.

The assassination of the Nobel Peace Prize laureate also highlighted the multiple ironies in his relationships with his implacable foe, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, and his sometimes ambivalent ally, Senator Robert F. Kennedy.

The FBI director not only had never achieved his desire to undermine King’s moral leadership, but soon found himself so on the defensive about why King’s murderer was on the loose that he was forced to launch the largest manhunt in the agency’s history to catch Ray. (He was finally apprehended in London, two months and more than 3,000 agents later.)

An Obsessive Pursuit

Hoover’s investigation of King’s alleged Communist ties, along with Southern Democrats on board to help pass the administration’s program after a razor-thin electoral victory, placed Bobby Kennedy in one uncomfortable position after another while serving as Attorney-General. He deeply frustrated both men, though his liberal tendencies placed him far closer ideologically to King than to Hoover.

The FBI’s investigation and harassment of King ranks among the worst offenses in its history. Its relentless wiretapping campaign—including sending a package of materials to his home in 1964, warning that there was “but one way out for you,” or his “filthy fraudulent self” would be exposed—is well-known, but less so is why King became the object of Hoover’s insane fixation.

One of the best accounts, it seems to me, of Hoover’s derangement on this matter comes courtesy of Secrecy and Power: The Life of J. Edgar Hoover, by Richard Gid Powers. The explanation here is all the more impressive for its attempt to be fair to Hoover.

According to Powers, Hoover was raised in a Washington, D.C. community of traditional values, with a “turn-of-the-century vision of America as a small community of like-minded neighbors, proud of their achievements, resentful of criticism, fiercely opposed to change.” While that vision made him a powerful opponent of both Nazi and Communist subversion, it also led him to believe in a segregated order in which elites held sway.

His racism was so entrenched that it manifested itself in ways that would appear comical if the real-life consequences weren’t so tragic. Hoover thought he was doing Attorney-General Kennedy a favor by doubling the number of black FBI agents, neglecting to consider that this still only raised the total to 10—and this at a time when the backlash against the rising civil-rights movements was at its most vicious and violent.

The FBI first noticed King in 1958, when it learned that the minister had been introduced to Benjamin Davis, a black Communist Party functionary. Three years later, King’s prominent role in the Freedom Riders movement led Hoover to order an investigation of him.

The tempo of this surveillance effort appears to have picked up in late 1962. King had charged that one reason why civil-rights workers in Albany, Ga., were receiving so little protection was that FBI offices in the South were populated with native Southerners who imbibed the mores of their communities and needed to stay friendly with the local police and forces of segregation.

As it happened, the Albany FBI contained four Northerners out of its five agents. One of Hoover’s lieutenants, Cartha DeLoach, left a message to this effect with King’s office, asking for a return call. King, whose strong suit was not organization, either never received the message or forgot about it. DeLoach and, ultimately, Hoover, interpreted this as dissing the agency.

More than 40 years earlier, Hoover had succeeded in destroying a prior charismatic black leader, Marcus Garvey, by gaining his conviction on mail-order fraud charges that led to deportation. Hoover now hoped to derail another strong leader of the civil-rights movement.

The man Hoover saw as an ideal replacement for King was Samuel R. Pierce, Jr. Does the name sound vaguely familiar? It should—this was the man that Ronald Reagan later selected as his Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Secretary…a man that Reagan later mistook for someone else (hard to understand, since Pierce was the only black member of the Reagan cabinet)…a man whose department became embroiled in corruption and influence-peddling.

Kennedy and King

It was Robert Kennedy’s sad lot to run interference among the racist Hoover, an activist minister who wrote a polemic characteristically titled Why We Can’t Wait, and his own cautious older brother. Kennedy and King’s different backgrounds could lead to fundamental misunderstandings, even when they were on the same side.

At the height of the Freedom Riders campaign, King complained about the lack of protection for the activists. Kennedy’s attempt to liken their lot to that of Irish Catholics in Boston a century earlier did not impress King much. An annoyed Kennedy shot back that King was being ungrateful, since without the presence of federal marshals he and the rest of the group would be “as dead as Kelsey’s nuts.” The Attorney-General’s variation on a common, even more graphic Irish-American phrase (“as tight as Kelsey’s nuts”) just bewildered King, who remarked to aides, “Who is Kelsey?”

Hoover was not above exploiting the tensions. One of his wiretaps caught King watching JFK’s funeral on TV, making an explicit raunchy joke about the President and his widow. Hoover made sure the President’s brother heard about the incident immediately.

I remember the historian Michael Beschloss remarking on C-Span that, if you found Bobby Kennedy staring angrily at you in a meeting, you’d be well-advised to send out your resume the next morning. It was not for nothing that the President’s younger brother had a reputation for ruthlessness.

But, to use Lincoln’s phrase, the “better angels of our nature” also existed in Bobby Kennedy, and these increasingly led him to embrace the cause of civil rights as time went on, and even put aside whatever resentment he may have felt for Kennedy after learning the contents of the tapes from the FBI. The prime mover behind the civil-rights bill that JFK sent up to Capitol Hill before his death (the one that LBJ later shepherded into enactment), Bobby became an even more full-throated advocate of the cause as a Senator.

As he began his own Presidential campaign, Kennedy’s past differences with King over tactics had faded into the background, and he had a realistic chance of winning the minister’s endorsement at the time King was slain. The news jolted the candidate and his staff as they prepared for a campaign stop in an inner-city area of Indianapolis. Yet, despite fears for his safety on the part of his wife Ethel and local police (there was no Secret Service protection for candidates at that point), RFK decided he had to break the news about the tragedy in Memphis.

The result was one of the most extraordinary moments of his short campaign—one that, years later, people rightly cite as evidence of the enormous potential to move a nation that was snuffed out through Sirhan Sirhan’s bullet two months later.

“Wisdom Through the Awful Grace of God”


As Kennedy addressed the crowd on that cold night, about an hour after King’s death, he began softly, “I have bad news for you, for all our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world. And that is that Martin Luther King was shot and killed tonight.”

The announcement set off gasps, sobbing and cries of “No!” from the crowd of approximately 1,000. But Kennedy plunged on. And now, the senator—so devastated by his brother’s assassination more than four years before that he had never publicly referred to it—bonded with an audience understandably angry over the night’s horrible events.

"For those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and disgust at the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I can only say," Bobby continued, "that I feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling. I had a member of my own family killed, but he was killed by a white man. But we have to make an effort in the United States, we have to make an effort to understand, to go beyond these rather difficult times."

After JFK’s death, Bobby had sought solace in a copy of Edith Hamilton’s The Greek Way given him by the President’s widow, Jackie. Now, not worrying about whether it was speaking of the heads of many people that night who might not even have completed high school, he quoted from her translation of Aeschylus: “My favorite poet was Aeschylus. He wrote, 'In our sleep, pain which cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart until, in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdom through the awful grace of God.’”

Perhaps under the pressure of the moment, Kennedy made a slight error in reciting the passage: Hamilton had used the word “despite” instead of “despair” in her translation. But Kennedy’s mistranscription only strengthened the sense of existential pain that he was sharing that night with the audience, which now fell silent as it paid rapt attention to its searing peroration:

"What we need in the United States is not division; what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence or lawlessness; but love and wisdom and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or black.

"So I shall ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King, that's true, but most importantly to say a prayer for our country, which all of us love—a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke …

"Let us dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and to make gentle the life of this world.

"Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people."
Nearly 40 years later, Time Magazine columnist Joe Klein aptly summarized why this speech was so remarkable: they “stand as an example of the substance and music of politics in its grandest form and highest purpose—to heal, to educate, to lead.” Yet he also noted, correctly, why this short, simple, impromptu address marked a watershed in modern American politics: it represented “the last moments before American public life was overwhelmed by marketing professionals, consultants and pollsters who, with the flaccid acquiescence of the politicians, have robbed public life of much of its romance and vigor.”

Kennedy had risen to the demands of the occasion, showing that he was still young enough to adapt and learn. Hoover, sadly, was not. His survival in office for the last two decades (including, most conspicuously, under the Kennedys) had depended inordinately on what one government official, quoted anonymously in Curt Gentry’s J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and the Secrets, had referred to as “twelve drawers full of political cancer.” He would live another four years, increasingly oblivious to the lessons of tolerance and love learned by the two men he had tried unsuccessfully to put at odds with each other, Kennedy and King.