During George W. Bush’s first term, Richard
Armitage, an aide to Colin Powell at the State Department, came to the defense
of his boss with a wisecrack lobbed gleefully at Newt Gingrich. In attacking
Powell, Armitage observed, the former Speaker of the House had gone “off his
meds and out of therapy."
That remark, long since ensconced in the hall of
fame for political insults, might have been even better applied these last few weeks
of the summer to another publicity-hungry GOP leader, albeit one as powerful as
Gingrich only wished he could have been: Donald Trump.
In a recent Facebook exchange, a conservative (he
prefers “libertarian”) friend of mine predicted that Trump would win in 2020,
though he admitted the President used Twitter too much and was, in his words,
“a blowhard.”
I think my friend’s description was imprecise. Another
phrase is far more appropriate: “mentally ill.”
Even to a Washington seemingly immune by now to
daily shocks to the system and offenses against formal and informal laws, the
President’s statements and misbehavior in the last few weeks left its denizens
with their jaws agape.
Clearly, something weird was going on with Trump,
who engaged in a pattern of behavior unusually frantic and bizarre even for him.
Consider the following events, rolling out one after
another:
*He wondered about American Jews who voted
Democratic, questioning their “loyalty.”
*He levied a stiffer tariff on China, raising
prospects for a trade war.
*He called his own appointee to head the Federal
Reserve, Jerome Powell, a “bigger enemy” to the U.S. than China.
*He tried to purchase Greenland—then, when that
proposal was predictably rejected by Denmark’s Prime Minister, the President,
annoyed by this (stop me if you’ve heard this description before!) “nasty”
woman, canceled his trip to Denmark.
*He hinted that he would like to change the
Constitution through executive order (an action which, by itself, would be
unconstitutional).
*He called himself (looking up to Heaven) “The
Chosen One.”
*He got into a Twitter war with Debra Messing, an
actress with zero political influence.
*He urged science advisers to look into the
possibility of averting future hurricanes by detonating nuclear weapons against
them.
*He told reporters that he had never heard of a
Category 5 hurricane before Dorian—even though that was the fourth since he
became President.
*He feuded with politicians on Puerto Rico as Dorian
threatened the area.
*He argued with the media for a week over
his inaccurate claim that Hurricane Dorian was bearing down on Alabama—not only
sending out 12 tweets and counting vainly claiming he was right
at the start, even brandishing a map with an area encompassed by a Sharpie, but also leaning on aides to get the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration to disavow a tweet that corrected the misinformation spread by the President.
*He joked about giving himself the Medal of Honor—a form
of humor doubly dubious not only because he managed to use the excuse of bone
spurs to get out of serving in the Vietnam War, but also because he unleashes
hatred by egging on crowds.
*He fired John Bolton, his latest National Security
Adviser—his fourth in less than a full
term—after disagreeing about him on virtually everything, leading observers
to wonder why the appointment was made in the first place.
*He invited the
Taliban—who sheltered the terrorists who bombed the World Trade Center on
9/11—to Camp David for an agreement withdrawing U.S. forces from Afghanistan,
only to be forced to rescind the invitation after U.S. forces were attacked.
*He called out at the Group of Seven (G7) summit,
when Egyptian President bdel-Fattah el-Sisi had not yet appeared, “Where's my
favorite dictator?”—reducing the rest of the room (including Egyptian
dignitaries and Trump’s own advisers) to uncomfortable silence.
*He joked, on the eve of 9/11, about serving a third
term, which would violate the 22nd Amendment (legislation, be it
noted, that postwar Republicans pushed through as revenge after Franklin
Roosevelt had died after being elected to a fourth term).
*He referred to his Veep of the past three years as
“Mike Pounce.”
*He referred to his son Barron as his wife’s son, in a kind of syntax I
can’t imagine ever being taught in any of the President’s English classes: “We
can’t have our youth be so affected [by vaping], and I’m hearing it, and that’s
how the First Lady got involved. She’s got a son, together, that’s a beautiful
young man, and she feels very, very strongly about it.”
*He referred again, for no apparent reason, to an
earlier description of himself, tweeting “ ‘A Very Stable Genius.’ Thank you.”
Okay, I may have missed one or even more such
statements—but after all, I’m only one man, and Trump is to these
head-scratchers what Niagara is to water.
These are more than disquieting statements—they are disqualifying
ones as to Trump’s capacity to act as leader of this country and of the
Free World.
In the months before the release of the Mueller Report, Trump exhibited much of the same hysteria. This time, the goading factor may have been reports that the economy, courtesy of uncertainty over his trade policies, might be moving toward a recession.
But what exactly Trump's actions signify, as to the nature of his psychological condition, is far more complex.
In the months before the release of the Mueller Report, Trump exhibited much of the same hysteria. This time, the goading factor may have been reports that the economy, courtesy of uncertainty over his trade policies, might be moving toward a recession.
But what exactly Trump's actions signify, as to the nature of his psychological condition, is far more complex.
Alzheimer’s?
Not So Fast
Two years ago, the normally genial New York Times
columnist David Brooks reported that a congressional GOP delegation, after an
Oval Office meeting, considered whether the President was suffering from Alzheimer’s
disease. That speculation has continued to grow.
It’s not just Democrats, or disgruntled former
Republicans like Joe Scarborough, who are pushing this theory. In April,
psychologist John Gartner urged, in a piece for USA Today, that the President be administered a more thorough
cognitive test than the one he’d been administered, pointing to possible speech
disorders and tangential logic in Trump’s stump addresses.
Other mental health professionals have argued
similarly, with even less evidence. Relatively recent history points towards
the dangers of making such claims.
Psychiatrists’ responses to a 1964 poll questioning
Barry Goldwater’s mental fitness for the Presidency led the American
Psychiatric Association to adopt “The Goldwater Rule,” which holds it
unethical to offer a professional opinion about a candidate that one has not
personally examined. Despite what they may think are the best intentions,
many practitioners are making that same mistake now with Trump.
Trump, despite a family history of Alzheimer’s (his
father had the disease), does not seem especially forgetful, even for a man his
age. If he has trouble remembering anything, it is all the falsehoods he propagates.
But who can blame him? He may be the most prodigious
liar in the history of the Oval Office—which, given several of its postwar
occupants (Lyndon Johnson—nicknamed “Bull Johnson” in his college days for his serial
prevarication, Richard “I Am Not a Crook” Nixon, and Bill “I Did Not Have Sex With
That Woman” Clinton), inspires onlookers with equal amounts of astonishment and
disgust.
But what if Trump’s increasing use of simpler,
repetition-heavy speeches is not a sign of cognitive loss, but rather his
recognition that such rhetoric, combined with fear-laden appeals, works wonders
with audiences particularly receptive to the end point of propaganda: The Big
Lie?
Ongoing Sociopathology? Far More Likely
There is another problem with pointing to Trump’s
cognitive issues as a clue to Alzheimer’s: How long can critics continue to say he
is declining before he reaches point zero? And who will make that
determination?
There is another possibility for what ails Trump
that has nothing to do with Alzheimer’s. He exhibits multiple traits that collectively demonstrate sociopathology, in plain sight of the electorate:
*Narcissism
*Grandiosity
*Arrogance
*Arrogance
*Impulsiveness
*Unnecessary risk-taking
*Unnecessary risk-taking
*Inability to feel guilt
*Inability to abide external criticism or extended
internal dissent
*Escalation of anger
*Brazen, delusional falsehoods
According to legend, the ancient Roman emperor Caligula was so mad that he almost appointed his favorite horse a consul. I suppose it's a good thing that Trump displays little similar fondness for an animal. Who knows? He might appoint the beast to a Supreme Court vacancy.
All of this unsettles the economy, confuses allies and foes, teaches the young that bullying pays, and makes this nation a source of international embarrassment and ridicule.
Over a year and a half ago, Peggy Noonan---Pulitzer
Prize-winning Wall Street Journal columnist,
former speechwriter, and observer of multiple Presidents and politics—presciently
pointed out the peril posed by Trump's bizarre behavior, even without a foreign crisis or
economic downturn in view at the time:
“Everything you’ve learned from life as a leader in
whatever sphere—business, local public service—tells you this: Crazy doesn’t last.
Crazy doesn’t go the distance. Crazy is an unstable element that when let loose
in an unstable environment, explodes.
“And so your disquiet…. If the president is the way
he is on a good day, what will he be like on a bad day? It all feels so dangerous.”
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