Friday, October 5, 2012

This Day in Elizabethan History (Jesuit’s Daring Escape From Tower of London)



October 5, 1597—An escape made with the help of orange juice acting as invisible ink and with a rope thrown across a moat sounds like something out of a James Bond movie in the Cold War. Instead, it was employed by Fr. John Gerard, a charismatic Jesuit who, after being tortured to force a confession of conspiracy against the British government, became one of the very few prisoners to escape from the infamous Tower of London.

At the height of Prince Charles’ marital difficulties with Princess Diana, David Letterman joked that the heir to the crown was thinking of solving his problems by confining his wife to the Tower of London. That remark indicated how the passage of time and lack of recent use (Nazi Rudolf Hess was the last inmate, in the early 1940s) had eroded the sense of that structure’s terror.

True, the Tower has, over time, also served as an observatory, an armory, a mint and even a menagerie. But its use by the royals—particularly the Tudors—as a means of punishing enemies has made it, according to John McPhee, “to poisoning, hanging, beheading, regicide, and torture what Yankee Stadium was to baseball.”

Prominent among the Tower’s inmates were Roman Catholics. In fact, its first, in 1100, was the Bishop of Durham, Ralph de Flambard, who also became the first escapee by getting his guards drunk. By the time of Henry VIII, the Tower had become the scene of state-sponsored injustice and terror, with Saints Thomas More and John Fisher confined their before their martyrdom.

Historians have painted Henry’s daughter, Queen Elizabeth I, far more kindly, particularly when it came to bridging the differences between her own faith, Protestantism, and Roman Catholicism. But if she was not as capricious as her father, she could be just as ruthless—especially in the closing years of her reign, following the foiled invasion of the Spanish Armada, when Catholics fell under suspicion as a potential fifth column against the crown.

The title of Elizabeth’s longtime adviser, Francis Walsingham, was Principal Secretary (or, as the post became known, Secretary of State). In actuality, he was Britain’s first spymaster. He and a later holder of the office, Sir Robert Cecil, orchestrated a network of informants—people who could be bribed or coerced into giving evidence, true or not, against enemies of the state. Their tactics were an early example of what the West has been forced to confront to this day: Just how far a supposedly civilized country is prepared to go to counter a perceived internal threat. In the case of Her Majesty's intelligence henchmen, that was very far indeed.

Gerard was one person the regime sought to break, with no luck. His story and times are recounted in his own autobiography, his autobiography, Narratio P. Joannis Gerardi de Rebus a se in Anglia gestis (A Narrative of the Things That Happened to Pastor John Gerard in England, translated into English and published in 1955 as The Autobiography of a Hunted Priest) and Lady Antonia Fraser's account of the Gunpowder Plot, Faith and Treason. The son of a Catholic jailed in the Tower for an attempt to free the Queen’s cousin, Mary, Queen of Scots, Gerard ended up receiving his education in France, where he was ordained. When he returned home, he was left in secret on a Norfolk beach at night, from which he and his small group of Jesuit companions split off separately from each other, mingling into the countryside.

The secrecy was necessary because of the grave risks run by Catholic priests. They were, quite simply, hunted men—constantly assuming false identities lest they be betrayed by ordinary Catholics afraid of the regime, or simply by the household servants in the homes of rich but secret Catholic adherents. Once in the hands of the regime, priests could be seized, locked up on charges of treason, tortured, and executed.(That was, in fact, the fate of Gerard's other companions.)

Gerard’s feigned identity was as a country gentleman—an easy enough disguise for the tall, elegant cleric, who spoke excellent French and Latin, was an accomplished horseman and became a minor expert on falconry, cards and the chase. But even the outer facade he was careful to assume--a doublet covering his monastic hair shirt, a saddlebag hiding his Mass kit and Latin breviary--was no proof against a servant in the home of a longtime protector, who betrayed him to the authorities. After a couple of years in prison and a trial (in which he bluntly said he hoped the entire country, the queen included, converted back to Catholicism), he was locked up in the Tower of London. It was a gloomy, brutal 21-tower complex, with a design of concentric fortifications making it virtually impregnable to assault.Worst of all, out of the many prisoners housed there over the prior four centuries, only about a dozen had managed to escape.

On three separate occasions Gerard was tortured. His jailers and torturers, including Elizabeth's notorious principal interrogator in the intelligence network, Richard Topcliffe (described memorably by Gerard as "old and hoary, and a veteran of evil") were especially intent on discovering the whereabouts of Henry Garnet, the Jesuit Superior in England. But Gerard wouldn’t break, despite being hung from a ceiling by his manacled hands for hours at a time.When his captors were done with him, he was left to stare at the walls at his cell in the Salt Tower, where other Jesuits had scrawled makeshift religious scenes.

Receiving a respite from the torture, Gerard was allowed to minister to fellow prisoner John Arden, with whom he conceived an ingenious plan. Using orange juice that acted as invisible ink, he communicated with Catholic sympathizers outside. He had noticed that the Cradle Tower, where Arden was confined, was close to the outside wall. If they could descend the Cradle Tower swing across a moat near that outside wall, they could make their way to a boat waiting to take them away.

Gerard and Arden’s first attempt failed when their boat nearly capsized and they had to return. Amazingly, they learned that their friends on the outside were ready to make the attempt again the following night.
As they made their midnight escape, the escape attempt became complicated because of the damage to Gerard’s hands during his torture sessions. He could not simply slide down the rope across the moat as planned. Instead, he had to pull himself down, hand over hand. "I managed to work myself as far as the middle of the rope, and there I stuck," he remembered later. "My strength was failing and my breath, which was short before I started, seemed altogether spent."
  
Gerard was helped the rest of the way by Arden, struggled into the boat and was rowed away rapidly in the darkness. Once outside, he was hidden by another Catholic sympathizer until 1606, when the Guy Fawkes “Gunpowder Plot” to blow up Parliament made it simply impossible to stay in England. He fled the country (disguised again, this time as a footman in the retinue of the Spanish Ambassador) on the same day that Garnet, his Jesuit superior, was executed. He spent his remaining three decades in English colleges on the Continent, an exile from his native land, sustained, as he had during his years on the run, only by his indomitable faith and courage.

(Map of the Tower of London by Thomas Romer, 2012.)

Quote of the Day (T.B. Macaulay, on Uninformed Talk of a ‘Golden Age’)



“Those who compare the age in which their lot has fallen with a golden age which exists only in imagination, may talk of degeneracy and decay; but no man who is correctly informed as to the past, will be disposed to take a morose or desponding view of the present.”—British historian and politician Thomas Babington Macaulay (1800-1859), The History of England, Volume I (1849)

Thursday, October 4, 2012

This Day in TV History (‘Leave It to Beaver’ Debuts)



October 4, 1957—For an America unsettled by a changing world, the premiere of Leave It to Beaver served as a welcome balm. The Soviets launched Sputnik that day, African-Americans were clamoring for their long-denied rights, and rock ‘n’ roll was unnerving parents even as it excited their teenaged children. 

But for a little boy in the town of Mayfield, blessed with a wise father, a loving mother, and a well-meaning older brother, the world was an innocent place where the worst scrape you could get into involved a baby alligator named Captain Jack that you tried to hide (unsuccessfully, of course) from Mom and Dad. It would be a decade before Billy Joel would use the name "Captain Jack" to evoke a sinister drug pusher servicing the needs of an aimless suburban loser who can't understand "why you've got to keep in style and feed your head."

Mayfield exists in an unnamed state, just as Ward Cleaver works in an unspecified job. The vagueness was intentional: the show’s creators wanted viewers to project themselves onto the characters, and boy, did they ever. Watching the show more than a decade later in syndication, several years after its original run ended, I, as the youngest, most bewildered member of my family, identified with Beaver. I saw more than a little bit of Wally in my two older brothers. And, like just about every else I've come across, I've known at least a few brown-nosers who seemed to have taken their cue from Eddie Haskell.

I also don’t remember ever seeing rain in any episode in the sitcom's six-year run. I’m sure the show must have had it, but in the prototypical TV suburb of the Eisenhower era, sunlight seems everywhere. It would take another decade for the appearance of dark shadows (with and without initial capital letters).

That idyllic image was a suburban dream come true for many Americans in the early postwar era, and one to which millions more aspired—including, as it happened, African-Americans. Future Harvard academic Henry Louis Gates, Jr. wrote about the show’s ineffable appeal to his childhood West Virginia community of Piedmont in an essay in the recent issue of American Heritage:

“Beaver’s street was where we wanted to live, Beaver’s house where we wanted to eat and sleep, Beaver’s father’s firm where we’d have liked Daddy to work. These shows for us were about property, the property that white people could own and that we couldn’t. About a level of comfort and ease at which we could only wonder. It was the world that the integrated school was going to prepare us to enter and that, for Mama, would be the prize.”

Gates immediately undercuts that vision with some harsh reality: “Lord knows, we weren’t going to learn how to be colored by watching television. Seeing somebody colored on TV was an event.”

Gates had the whole landscape of American television in mind, but Leave It to Beaver was a useful case in point.  Not until the show’s sixth and final season did one of the last of the 234 episodes feature an African-American, and she was a maid—the kind of stereotypical role that Hollywood had been peddling for years. Minorities, quite simply, were invisible for much of America in those years, on their screens and in their lives.

Take the show for what it is, and was: the baby boomer TV equivalent of Mark Twain’s Tom Sawyer, where there’s a good deal of mild-mannered mischief but precious little mayhem. We had to look later for a less innocent, truer reflection of Americans coming of age in those years, just as Twain’s readers would have to wait nearly a decade for a more realistic depiction of the horrors perpetrated by an abusive, substance-abusing parent and a class- and race-haunted society: Huckleberry Finn.

(Photo of the cast of Leave It to Beaver, 1960, from left: Hugh Beaumont—Ward; Tony Dow—Wally; Barbara Billingsley—June;  and Jerry Mathers --Theodore AKA "Beaver").

Quote of the Day (Dwight Macdonald, on Dorothy Day’s Fundraising)



“Under Miss [Dorothy] Day's guidance, the Catholic Workers have devised an inexpensive and effective technique of fund-raising: they pray to Saint Joseph, their patron saint.”—Dwight Macdonald, “The Foolish Things of the World,” The New Yorker, October 4, 1952

Readers of The New Yorker were likely to have gazed in amazement at the profile of peace and anti-poverty activist Dorothy Day (1897-1980) and the Catholic Worker movement when they picked up their issue of the magazine 60 years ago today. After all, the leftist journalist and critic Dwight Macdonald (1906-1982) made no bones about his lack of religious belief (“I didn’t go through the ‘crisis of belief’ most of my teenage contemporaries did because, not only didn’t I believe, I didn’t muster up the interest to doubt,” he said in an interview with Paul Kurtz years later).  

Yet here he was, in this first of a two-part profile, writing without condescension about a Catholic convert whom, he noted, many regarded as a saint. On one level, Day’s simple moral luminosity appealed to him, as he noted that she “has no 'presence' at all, but in spite of that, or perhaps because of it, she is impressive to meet or hear, communicating a moral force compounded of optimism, sincerity, earnestness, and deprecatory humor."

Yet, as a contrarian whose thinking might be best summed up in the title of his essay collection, Against the American Grain, Macdonald also found something profound in Day’s belief in nonviolence and a preferential option for the poor: “Politically,” he observed, “the Catholic Workers are hard to classify. They are for the poor and against the rich, so the capitalists call them Communists; they believe in private property and don't believe in the class struggle, so the Communists call them capitalists; and they are hostile to war and to the state, so both capitalists and Communists consider them crackpots."

Thirty years after his death, Macdonald is not read widely, but his influence during the 1950s and 1960s was considerable. The profile of Day brought the Catholic Worker movement to a larger, often secular audience previously unaware of it. His praise of James Agee’s A Death in the Family gave to that posthumously published novel enough ballast to propel it toward the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction, and his demolition of James Gould Cozzens probably did more than anything else to shrivel that novelist’s previously considerable critical reputation. Most important, his extended New Yorker review of Michael Harrington’s The Other America brought that work to the attention of the Kennedy Administration, which, inspired by the book, launched the War on Poverty.

(Photo of Dorothy Day from 1916 by an unknown photographer.)

Wednesday, October 3, 2012

Movie Quote of the Day (“Election,” With an Unconventional Student Council Speech)



Tammy Metzler (played by Jessica Campbell): [her campaign speech] “Who cares about this stupid election? We all know it doesn't matter who gets elected president of Carver. Do you really think it's going to change anything around here? Make one single person smarter or happier or nicer? The only person it does matter to is the one who gets elected. The same pathetic charade happens every year, and everyone makes the same pathetic promises just so they can put it on their transcripts to get into college. So vote for me, because I don't even want to go to college, and I don't care, and as president I won't do anything. The only promise I will make is that if elected I will immediately dismantle the student government, so that none of us will ever have to sit through one of these stupid assemblies again!”

[The student body erupts in huge cheers. They start chanting "Tammy! Tammy!"]

Tammy: “Or don't vote for me! Who cares? Don't vote at all!”

[They all rise to give her a standing ovation]—Election (1999), screenplay by Alexander Payne and Jim Taylor, adapted from the novel by Tom Perrotta, directed by Alexander Payne