Showing posts with label Congress. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Congress. Show all posts

Friday, February 2, 2024

Quote of the Day (Jennifer Egan, on the Abuse of Online Personal Data)

“We decide what's worth paying for, but it's more to understand that you should know what you're paying. We are succumbing to manipulation created by the smartest people in the world to figure out how to get us to do exactly what we're doing. As long as everyone keeps that in mind, great, but sometimes I think if people kept it more firmly in mind, they might resist a little.”—Pulitzer Prize-winning American novelist Jennifer Egan, on how online personal data is a tech company commodity, quoted by Alice Fishburn, “Lunch With the FT Jennifer Egan: ‘It’s Hard to Write Satire in America,’” The Financial Times, Aug. 27-28, 2022

I watched with disgust this week’s coverage of U.S. Senators grilling American tech execs about online child safety.

The parents holding up pictures of their children whose deaths were attributed to social media were right to feel sorrow and anger. But the outrage of our nation’s lawmakers should have been directed less at the representatives of TikTok, X and Meta and more at themselves. 

Six years ago, Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg faced similarly tough congressional questions on how Facebook data profiles of up to 87 million people came into the hands of the political data-mining firm Cambridge Analytica. Yet now, he, joined by other tech execs, was back on the hot seat.

His reappearance could mean that the tech industry is devising ever more creative ways to secure our personal data for no good reason. It could also mean that in the interim, Congress has been less interested in its oversight function than in its periodic, ridiculous display of moral indignation. The two ideas are hardly mutually exclusive.

It’s a bit rich for Senator Lindsay Graham, for instance, to tell Zuckerberg that he has “blood on your hands.”

When tech industry executives took steps to try to verify social media content and police it for threats, many members of the House and Senate decried it as abridging First Amendment rights.

So we now have a former President and current candidate spouting 2020 election falsehoods on social media that led to the assault on the Capitol on January 6, 2021—and whose lies and threats about his ongoing trials are still endangering law enforcement officials, prosecutors and judges to this day.

Likewise, Senator Tom Cotton was careless—no, shameless—in repeatedly asking TikTok’s Shou Zi Chew if he was affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party. It was a McCarthyite tactic: asking a question that plants doubt, all without having the slightest reason or evidence to justify the inquiry.

As Jennifer Egan noted in the quote above, even adults are succumbing to manipulation created by the smartest people in the world. How do young people stand a chance in the same environment?

(The image of Jennifer Egan that accompanies this post was taken in August 2007 by David Shankbone.)

Wednesday, July 27, 2022

Quote of the Day (Lord Acton, on Institutions’ ‘History of Deception and Illusions’)

“The history of institutions is often a history of deception and illusions; for their virtue depends on the ideas that produce and on the spirit that preserves them; and the form may remain unaltered when the substance has passed away.” —English historian Lord John Acton (John Emerich Edward Dalberg) (1834-1902), “The History of Freedom in Antiquity,” delivered to the members of the Bridgnorth Institute, Feb. 26, 1877

I took the accompanying picture of the Capitol dome in Washington on a visit in 2015, when the seat of American government was being restored. Unfortunately, our nation’s lawmakers forgot to take similar time and care in ensuring that American democracy itself would be safeguarded against rot from within and a clever demagogue from within.

Even before Donald Trump executed his startling rise to power in 2016, Congressional government was experiencing arteriosclerosis. The clubby atmosphere that once prevailed, particularly in the Senate, had devolved into ugly partisan posturing and shouting, leaving the people’s business undone.

But each succeeding day of Trump's Presidency--and even every day he's been out of office since--has led the overwhelming majority of the GOP on Capitol Hill to deferring to him at every turn--a prospect they would have once loathed as an incursion on their rights and privileges as lawmakers.

Josh Hawley’s run away from rioters in the halls of the Capitol on January 6, 2021 has made him a laughingstock in many circles. But the U.S. Senator from Missouri is hardly the only lawmaker who gave material aid and comfort to Donald Trump in his attempted coup: 147 Republicans voted that day not to certify not to certify Joe Biden's election. 

And, if Hawley is not held accountable by the voters in his state, he will only be remembered as inspiration for thousands of memes over a couple-days period, rather than as a partner in infamy.

Over the last 20 to 30 years, Americans have heard of many public figures being labeled “institutionalists.” Time and again, we have been disappointed, as they have tended to their future political prospects rather than preserving what Acton called “the ideas that produce and…the spirit that preserves them.”

Let us hope that the “substance” the historian looked to hasn’t melted away for good during this ferocious summer on Capitol Hill.

Thursday, July 30, 2020

GOP Gives AOC Her Star Turn


In times of polarization like now, offering anything other than an all-or-nothing opinion on an event or person becomes fraught with difficulty. Nuance be damned, as well as any chance of accepting an inconvenient truth, seeing a contrary viewpoint as a difference of opinion rather than a friendship-breaker, finding a compromise, or collaborating on other issues that might benefit the country.

So it is with Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Popular opinion on the Congresswoman from New York’s 14th District has divided neatly into two camps: she’s either a wonderful bit of fresh air hitting the stale halls of Capitol Hill or an ill wind that will blow down the free-enterprise system in the United States.

Don’t count me in either faction. I see her as an outlier among Congressional Democrats, with far less impact than one might think even on mainstream liberal leaders like Nancy Pelosi. She owes her celebrity less to her own talents than to hailing from New York, the de facto media capital of the nation; to upsetting Joe Crowley, the fourth-ranking Democrat in the House, whom she “primaried” because he paid insufficient attention to his district (covering parts of The Bronx and Queens) and its changing demographics; and to her Instagram-ready appearance.

Moreover, I worry about her eagerness to speak before she masters the workings of Congress or of Washington in general; her advocacy of positions with potential for increasing deficits to a dangerous degree; or her unwillingness to compromise, which will do few favors for Joe Biden as he appeals to independents or even to Trump voters who want a credible alternative to the President’s bullying, incompetent and chaotic governing style.

But give “AOC” this: she has star quality. You cannot help wondering what she will say or do next in the daily political melodrama that consumes Americans’ attention.

But—God help them—Congressional Republicans have just served notice that she has not only consumed their attention but also their brains. Because that’s the only way you can understand how they could serve up to this performer the only thing she lacked to date: in Congressman Ted Yoho, the most hissable villain since Basil Rathbone crossed swords with Errol Flynn in Captain Blood and The Adventures of Robin Hood.

AOC and Yoho had a fractious encounter a week ago, but the fallout lasted beyond the nine-minute verbal thrashing she subsequently administered to him in a speech before the House of Representatives. The repercussions extended into this past weekend, when Yoho was forced to resign from the board of directors of Bread for the World, a nonpartisan Christian organization that seeks to end hunger.

Could that move signal that even a natural constituency like this for Yoho—and Donald Trump—will no longer accept at least some behavior from someone with voting positions they favor?

In the meantime, let’s count all the ways—if that’s even possible—that Yoho and his enablers put themselves in the wrong in dealing with AOC:

*Yoho lengthened the controversy because he couldn’t admit he was at fault. Yoho’s statement to the House was filled with so many self-justifications (e.g., “I cannot apologize for my passion, or for loving my God, my family and my country”) that in no way, shape or form could it be termed an “apology.” Even calling this statement a “non-apology apology” does not remotely convey its lameness. For an explanation of errant conduct comparably fatuous, you have to go back 30 years, when Calif. Congressman Robert Dornan justified a bounced check in the House banking scandal by saying he meant to cover the cost of his backyard shrine to the Blessed Virgin Mary. Hilariously, Yoho referred to his wife in his address to the House. Countless husbands around the country have learned the two words that are the minimal first step toward smoothing over unacceptable words and behavior to their wives: “I’m sorry.” Why did Yoho find it so hard to muster them now, without negating qualifiers, to a colleague?

*Yoho showed not the slightest interest in discussing issues. Was Yoho interested in (his words) a “policy discussion”? That implies that he wanted to hear why AOC saw a connection between poverty and crime, and might offer counter-arguments why her claim didn’t hold water. The fact that their talk was (again, his language) “brief” suggests that nothing of the sort took place. What he really intended was something entirely different. AOC characterized his words as “rude.” Judging from the shortness of the “conversation,” Yoho’s refusal to man up when they discussed the incident in his office later, and his ridiculous House statement, I believe AOC is being imprecise, perhaps even charitable. “Unhinged harangue” comes closer to the tenor of Yoho’s remarks.

*Yoho interfered with AOC on her way to legislative business. As he was coming down the steps of the Capitol, she was ascending them on the way to a vote. This accentuated his height advantage over her. Only a couple of minutes before, he was photographed inside, without a mask, in close conversation with a colleague, and does not appear to have donned a mask as he stepped outside. All of this would have increased AOC’s physical discomfort with him.

*Yoho used a wingman in his exchange with AOC. That man was the colleague he had just spoken to inside, Rep. Roger Williams (R-Tex). Like any bully, Yoho wanted an audience to cheer him on, not to mention a collaborator in his misbehavior and folly.

*Williams, despite strenuous efforts, not only could not protect Yoho from the consequences of misconduct, but even ended up complicit in it. Perhaps taking a page from GOP colleagues who for the last three years have unconvincingly claimed they had not read one of the President’s more outrageous tweets, Williams said last week, “As I was walking down the stairs, I was thinking about some issues I've got in my district that need to get done. I don't know what their [Yoho and AOC’’s] topic was." So, let’s get this straight: Williams was walking down the steps with a colleague he’d been talking to inside only a minute or two before, and then he suddenly went deaf and/or absent-minded? Does this sound remotely true? Or does AOC sound closer to the truth when she says that Williams chimed in by yelling about “throwing urine”?

*What is an “abrupt manner” of a conversation, and who has ever apologized for it? What an interesting choice of words from Yoho! I haven’t heard anything so intentionally confusing since a theater owner yelled to me and a long line of moviegoers not that it was hot inside because of a broken air conditioner but that it was “close.” Yoho’s initial explanation of the encounter’s origins to a friendly Fox reporter begs for annotation: "I asked her, I said, 'Hey, do you have a minute?' She goes, 'Yes.' And we've never had a conversation before, and I wanted to ask her about this policy that she was telling people it was OK to shoplift if you're hungry. And it went backwards from there." If he can mischaracterize her view as it being “OK to shoplift if you’re hungry,” is it really that hard to wonder why “it went backwards from there”?

*Yoho and Williams turned this encounter into a Monty Python skit. Surely you remember the one: “The Argument Sketch,” in which a customer looking for an “argument” is misdirected to an office featuring “abuse.” Yoho and Williams subjected AOC to abuse, plain and simple.

*The incident occurred in front of a witness—a guy with a pen, ready to reveal it to the public. In short, a reporter. Once Yoho and Williams lost their heads, they could not rely on a “he said, she said” account of the affair. The reporter from the newspaper The Hill (not, let us stipulate, a publication that veers left) heard Yoho refer to AOC as a “f-----g b---h.” Instantly, the Florida Congressman’s credibility—not to mention his emotional equilibrium—was called into question. It didn't help when, on the floor of the House, he said the "offensive name-calling words attributed to me by the press were never spoken to my colleague." No, the two words were spoken when he was walking away. In other words, he denied nothing. 

*Yoho seems never to have learned that most people do not associate cursing with a “conversation.” Before he stood before the House to explain his misbehavior, Yoho’s office disputed the report that he walked away from the encounter referring to her as a “b---h.” No, it claimed, what he really said was what, in the 1960s, was referred to in newspapers as “a barnyard epithet.” Most people would not regard this as a significant improvement. But then again, perhaps a barnyard is where Yoho belongs in the first place. After all, one can only hope that he treated animals entrusted to his care in his pre-political days as a veterinarian better than he did a human colleague in Congress.

*Yoho's language has been, in other contexts, construed as sexual harassment. In a legal post that (mercifully) takes no account of the larger political background, Darrell Van Deusen, writing on the Web site for Kollman Law, cites a recent decision by National Labor Relations Board Chair John Ring that assails "obscene, racist, and sexually harassing speech not tolerated in almost any workplace today.” For years, Republicans have claimed that government should be "run like a business." But in any modern office environment, Yoho's hostile language would be enough to trigger a sweaty sitdown with a human resources head about the danger this posed to the corporation's liability and the employee's future employment.
  
*Yoho brought to the surface the problem so many conservative Republicans have with women. So, let’s see: he initiates what he calls “a brief policy discussion” with someone he’s never spoken to in her year and a half on Capitol Hill, on a subject (the relationship between poverty and crime) that other male Democrats have addressed in a similar manner. Why did he not ask them about this? Could it be that, as a woman, she raised his hackles more? Or could it be that, like the President they slavishly imitate, he watches Fox News so avidly that he's lucky he even knows any Democratic lawmaker besides the leadership and the network’s junior female bete noire, AOC?

*AOC exposed Yoho and Williams as juveniles rather than mature adults responsible for helping to decide America’s future. Since AOC first ran for office, the GOP has been fond of ridiculing her past as a bartender, but last week she showed she could use it as a cudgel against them. The language used by Yoho and Williams was “not new,” AOC remarked; indeed, she had encountered this previously as a waitress, as well as on the subways and streets of New York. The two men, she observed, were part of an entire “culture of lack of impunity” that accepts violence and violent language towards women. Many watching her speech may have felt that, in fact, Yoho and Williams were worse than the drunken louts that mouthed off to her previously. At least nobody ever expected such barroom boobs to be taken seriously.

*The House GOP did what it has been doing best since Jan. 20, 2017—defend the indefensible. House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy could wangle no more than a mealy-mouthed justification of the incident from Yoho. In the process, he put his entire party behind a politician whose moral capital was already minimal at best. (Yoho has voted against making lynching a federal hate crime.) The only problem is that Yoho can’t inspire the same level of fear as Donald Trump, so McCarthy gained little by his weary plea that Yoho “should be forgiven” and that the House cease dealing with this. Moreover, by countenancing rank incivility in his own ranks now, McCarthy will have no grounds for complaint later if House Democrats engage in similar disrespectful behavior.

The GOP had no sense of its stage or even its audience, so it lost control of the narrative. Unlike years past, it cannot blame this PR disaster on the news media—it’s the social media that made AOC a star with viral viewings of the collective Republican ignominy and her self-possessed, dignified response.

The party, unable to control a fringe candidate who used social media to win its nomination as President, now finds itself ill-equipped to deal with a younger, more appealing politician who has mercilessly revealed them as sexist, demeaning dinosaurs. If they regard a “b---h” as a difficult, demanding, unreasonable female, then what is the proper word for an equivalent male?

Guess what? I’ve got it: TRUMP. But in a pinch, YOHO will do.

Seizing Yoho’s hypocritical invocation of his wife and daughter, AOC summed up how badly he and GOP colleagues who refused to repudiate him had missed the moral meaning of this short but all-too-telling incident:

“Having a daughter does not make a man decent. Having a wife does not make a decent man. Treating people with dignity and respect makes a decent man. And when a decent man messes up, as we all are bound to do, he tries his best and does apologize. I am someone’s daughter, too.”

There hasn’t been such a thorough decapitation since the pilot episode of Game of Thrones. But how could Yoho, Williams and the rest of Washington’s GOP expect anything different when they abandoned even the slightest attempt at a coherent, issues-based conservative philosophy for Trump’s blustering, misogynistic cult of personality?

Friday, September 28, 2018

Quote of the Day (Mary McCarthy, on the ‘Illiterate Hacks’ in Congress)


“The American, if he has a spark of national feeling, will be humiliated by the very prospect of a foreigner's visit to Congress — these, for the most part, illiterate hacks whose fancy vests are spotted with gravy, and whose speeches, hypocritical, unctuous and slovenly, are spotted also with the gravy of political patronage, these persons are a reflection on the democratic process rather than of it; they expose it in its underwear.”—American novelist, memoirist and essayist Mary McCarthy (1912-1989), "America the Beautiful," Commentary, September 1947

Saturday, November 28, 2015

Flashback, November 1995: GOP Forces Government Shutdown



Twenty years ago this month, the Republican Party, given the upper hand in the prior year’s midterm elections, did something it would resort to repeatedly in the following two decades: badly overplay its hand. In refusing to come to terms with President Bill Clinton, they forced the U.S. federal government to shut down.

Americans in prior generations would have been astounded that for five days starting November 13, approximately 40% of the nondefense workforce went on “furlough”—the inevitable result when Congress sent Clinton a continuing resolution that would have raised Medicare premiums, forced him to balance the budget within seven years, and curtailed environmental regulations, among other provisions. The President, backed into a corner, came out swinging. His veto triggered the shutdown.

But even that wasn’t the truly amazing part.

This was: the GOP, having decided they had not really gotten the better of the President (even though he had agreed to their demand for a seven-year target for a balanced budget), refused to compromise again in December. Their continuing resolution passed in November to keep the government going lasted only a month. Their insistence that the President use budget projections by the Congressional Budget Office rather than the more optimistic Office of Management and Budget forced another shutdown.

Only this time, the mad act of destruction lasted 21 days, not just a weekend, as had occurred other times in the past. Unless someone was deemed “essential,” no government worker would pick up a phone or receive visitors at offices. This had immediate consequences, as Social Security checks weren’t mailed and national parks and landmarks couldn’t be toured.

(This threw a bit of a monkey wrench for my own plans for vacation in San Antonio that month. Although I was pleased that the Alamo—operated by the “Daughters of the Texas Revolution” rather than the federal government—would remain open, several of the San Antonio Missions founded in the Spanish colonial period were unavailable for touring.)

When the dust cleared, the party discovered that the American public blamed them, not the Democrats, for the disarray and disruption.

Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich, who had held the threat of a shutdown like a cudgel over the President’s head since the spring, was forced to back down. His capitulation damaged the GOP leadership in two ways.

First was the impact on Gingrich, who, as a bumptious back-bencher five years before, had helped trash a budget deal that many in the administration of George H.W. Bush were sure he had agreed to. That act of perfidy might have made him persona non grata with the Bush White House, but it had surely raised his stock among restless party members.

His prestige with the incoming GOP “Class of ’95” Congress was enormous: his political action committee had fed them favorite buzzwords like (e.g., "sick," "pathetic," "cheat," "corrupt," "radical," "traitor"--you get the idea), returning the GOP to power on Capitol Hill for the first time in 40 years. His “Contract With America” not only provided these candidates with a coherent national platform, but also invited comparison, as a blueprint for legislative governing, with the “American System” proposed in the 19th century by Henry Clay, another Speaker with ambitions for higher office.

All of this was catnip to Gingrich, who thought of himself as a conservative revolutionary. "A president who knows how to use the media is in fact President of the World,'' he had told Bush’s surprised OMB Director, Richard Darman, back in 1990. That arrogance came out again as he posed for Time Magazine’s KING OF THE HILL cover story in January 1995.

The 1995 government shutdown demonstrated that, when it came to undermining established leaders, he was not quite the Newt Guevara he saw in the mirror. He made three mistakes:

1) He predicted that Medicare would “wither on the vine,” allowing Clinton to claim that eliminating this popular program was part of the GOP’s real agenda;
e      
      2) He guessed that Clinton would roll over without a fight, not understanding that the President was far better politically attuned to what the public wanted in this instance than he was; and,


      3)  He complained that, on a 25-hour plane flight aboard Air Force One for the funeral of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, Clinton had not talked to him about a possible solution to the shutdown—sparking a famous New York Daily News front-page cartoon of the Speaker in diapers, wailing, with the headline, “CRY BABY: NEWT'S TANTRUM: He closed down the government because Clinton made him sit at back of plane.” The image made Gingrich a national laughingstock.

While he survived in his post for another three years after his disastrous shutdown miscalculation, Gingrich was forced to bank on residual credit from the party rank and file for returning them to power. In the meantime, he made Clinton—who had been forced to argue to a skeptical White House press corps after the midterms that as President he remained “relevant”—look like a giant killer, boosting his reelection campaign the following year. Gingrich’s own aspirations for the Oval Office were checked—as it happened, we now see, permanently.

The second way that the shutdown damaged the Republicans was the immediate fallout for the Presidential hopes of  Robert Dole. In vain did the Senate Majority Leader argue privately with Gingrich and the House leaders that a prolonged shutdown was not a desirable “endgame.” Before long, the Democratic Party was assailing the presumptive GOP nominee in devastating “Dole-Gingrich Monster” ads.

In the shutdown battle, the President employed the political version of Muhammad Ali’s “rope-a-dope” strategy against George Foreman in Zaire two decades before. Declining poll numbers had left Clinton metaphorically against the ropes. The GOP, like Foreman against Ali, believed that there was no way he could endure the full pressure of a government at a standstill, not to mention their own constant threats and unconcealed contempt (House Majority Leader Richard Armey and Senator Don Nickels simply didn’t want to deal with Clinton in meetings at the White House, press secretary Mike McCurry recalled in Michael Tariff’s oral biography of the President, A Complicated Man). 

Clinton’s endurance of the GOP’s game of budget chicken marked the beginning of the turnaround in his fortunes. That, and an opportune lift from the economy, proved decisive in his triumph over Dole the following November.

(Clinton being Clinton, though, he squandered the advantage given him by the Capitol Hill Republicans. With paid staff sidelined during the shutdown, only volunteer interns could man White House phones and staff functions. On the second day of the November shutdown, one of them. Monica Lewinsky, flashed her thong at the President. To his dying day, Clinton will rue that he reacted positively to the sight.)

Capitol Hill Republicans learned nothing from their 1995 shutdown debacle. Two years ago, they shut down the government again, for 16 days, over Obamacare. This year, the Department of Homeland Security was almost forced to close because the GOP wanted to have it out with Obama over his immigration policies.

Now, the Senator who infuriated the GOP establishment—in much the same way that Gingrich did in the 1990s—with his grandstanding in the 2013 budget standoff has been rising in the GOP Presidential polls. But it wasn’t until I saw an exhibit over a week ago on Bob Hope and political satire at the Library of Congress that I saw a character similar to Ted Cruz. It was the vicious wildcat Simple J. Malarkey of Walt Kelly’s midcentury comic strip “Pogo.”

Wednesday, November 18, 2015

Quote of the Day (John Mason Brown, on Washington as a ‘City That Goes Around in Circles’)


“The more I observed Washington, the more frequently I visited it, and the more people I interviewed there, the more I understood how prophetic L'Enfant was when he laid it out as a city that goes around in circles.”— John Mason Brown, Through These Men: Some Aspects of Our Passing History (1956)

As I discovered on vacation here this week, the escalator for the Farragut West Metro station was much like the men who occupy the Capitol: i.e., it doesn’t work. 

(I took the image accompanying this post while in vacation in the capital this week.)


Friday, September 27, 2013

Quote of the Day (Teddy Roosevelt, With a Yardstick for Judging Government by Shutdown)


“We are not to be excused if we fail to hold our public men to a rigid accountability if they fail, in their turn, to see that we have proper legislation and proper administration. No public man worth his salt will be other than glad to be held accountable in that fashion.”– President Theodore Roosevelt, “Speech at the Laying of the Cornerstone of the YMCA Auxiliary Clubhouse,” Vallejo, California, May 14, 1903, in A Compilation of the Messages and Speeches of Theodore Roosevelt, Vol. 1, edited by Alfred Henry Lewis (1906)