“The Administration opposes gender discrimination in
all forms, but the end result of this legislation would be to subject doctors
to criminal prosecution if they fail to determine the motivations behind a very
personal and private decision. The
government should not intrude in medical decisions or private family matters in
this way.”—White House deputy press secretary Jamie Smith, statement to ABC
News correspondent Jake Tapper, quoted in Jake Tapper, “Legislation About Gender Selection and Abortion — Today’s Q for O’s WH– 5/30/2012”
But…but…but…
The Obama administration nods toward opponents of
abortion—yes, we “oppose gender discrimination in all forms”; yes, we believe
in the value of life—until push comes to shove. Then, it is another matter.
Taken by itself, the administration’s stance on
funding of birth control by religious institutions (with the burden of payment
now shifted to insurance providers rather than religious institutions
themselves) might appear, as the administration claims, a good-faith
compromise. But there is, of course, a wider context. The administration
objects to intrusion or “coercion” when it comes to a medical provider, as in
the case of sex-selection abortion, but not when it comes to a religious group—which,
in instances when they self-insure, will be forced to foot the bill for medical
procedures they cannot morally support.
Of all the reasons for abortion, sex selection may
provoke the most moral qualms, not just among the electorate at large but even
among liberals sympathetic to abortion. This has only annoyed the pro-choice
movement to no end. Fairly typical is the response of Allison Benedikt who, in an article for Slate, not only contends that “it’s entirely irrelevant why a
woman wants an abortion,” but also that, for those uneasy about the issue,
“Gulp for a second if you must, then get over it.”
Gulp…then
get over it. It is only one step removed from
the statement by Time Magazine writer
Nina Burleigh, at the height of the Clinton impeachment crisis: “I’d be happy to give him [oral sex] to thank
him for keeping abortion legal.”
Some years ago, when I was part of a political-science
book club, our moderator asked if we wanted to read
a book dealing with abortion. “No,” one member said. “I don’t care to read or
discuss that subject at all.” But
four decades after Roe v. Wade, despite endless attempts by the media to marginalize any opponents for any form of the procedure as clinic-killers, fanatics, or simply members of a "war on women," there
is no sign that the debate on abortion is abating.
Unlike same-sex marriage, where there has been a pronounced shift in public opinion in less than half that time, the electorate remains deeply divided on the issue. The Obama administration’s decision not to consider even the slightest limit to abortion will not remove that issue from the public square; in fact, it might only increase the anger and tensions revolving around it.
Unlike same-sex marriage, where there has been a pronounced shift in public opinion in less than half that time, the electorate remains deeply divided on the issue. The Obama administration’s decision not to consider even the slightest limit to abortion will not remove that issue from the public square; in fact, it might only increase the anger and tensions revolving around it.
Don’t imagine that Obama, the most cautious of
politicians, hasn’t precisely weighed the pluses and minuses of restricting
abortion in even the most morally objectionable of circumstances. On the one
hand: the Catholic bishops, a hierarchy already politically tone-deaf and fantastically easy to depict as patriarchal, now also morally compromised even before its own flock because of the
sexual-abuse scandal, and who thus have more limited power than ever to sway
votes on abortion; on the other hand, the pro-choice movement, which, every bit
as much as the Catholic Church, will not allow deviation on this stand, and will
undoubtedly provide neither funds nor shock troops in what promises to be a
difficult re-election campaign for the President.
Guess who Obama won’t risk offending? Can you think
of any better reason why he helped scotch the Prenatal Non-Discrimination Act
at the end of May?
Many Democratic voters of Catholic faith will vote
for the President because they don’t believe Mitt Romney will reform Wall
Street or do anything to curb the lunatic fringe of his party on anything
related to immigration, global warming, or matters of war and policy. But a
myriad of issues confront any voter, and Obama should not believe that Catholic
voters will go to the polls free of qualms about the administration’s abortion
position.
If nothing else, the administration’s stance against banning sex selection means that there are no conceivable circumstances in which they will ban any form of abortion—not for partial births, not for sex selection. And if that holds true in the United States, why not also for elsewhere in the world that might receive American funding for population control?
This is a President so used to making moral distinctions, according to a recent New York Times report, that he personally selects targets for a "kill list" by drone attack.Yet when it comes to the unborn running the risk of termination, there are no moral distinctions for him: they all die.
If nothing else, the administration’s stance against banning sex selection means that there are no conceivable circumstances in which they will ban any form of abortion—not for partial births, not for sex selection. And if that holds true in the United States, why not also for elsewhere in the world that might receive American funding for population control?
This is a President so used to making moral distinctions, according to a recent New York Times report, that he personally selects targets for a "kill list" by drone attack.Yet when it comes to the unborn running the risk of termination, there are no moral distinctions for him: they all die.
Nor should the administration rest easy in believing
that they are simply acting in a longstanding party tradition of broad
expansion of rights for all. Their own history should make them much more
humble in the belief that they are always on the side of the angels. While
Andrew Jackson’s Democratic Party supported a broad expansion of the franchise
in the 19th century, it also dispossessed Native-Americans of their
lands and allied with southern slaveholders. In the 20th century, it
supported the rights of labor but were decades late in supporting civil rights
for African-Americans.
Viewed in that light, progressive counsels against
single-issue voters ring a little hollow. President Obama might have felt
uncomfortable about fielding the ban on sex-selection abortion proposed by
Republicans, but unlike in state legislatures, history doesn’t offer Presidents
the option of deciding which issues he can vote “present” on without taking
sides.
Will the President pay at the polls for his stance
on banning sex-selection abortion? Perhaps yes, perhaps no. But the unborn
surely will.
(White House photo of Barack Obama in his first press conference as President)
(White House photo of Barack Obama in his first press conference as President)
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