Dr. Sheldon Kornpett [played by Alan Arkin]: “You were involved in the Bay of Pigs?”
Vince Ricardo [played
by Peter Falk]: “Involved? That was my idea.”—The In-Laws (1979), screenplay by Andrew Bergman, directed by Arthur Hiller
A cultural "omniblog" covering matters literary as well as theatrical, musical, historical, cinematic(al), etc.
Dr. Sheldon Kornpett [played by Alan Arkin]: “You were involved in the Bay of Pigs?”
Vince Ricardo [played
by Peter Falk]: “Involved? That was my idea.”—The In-Laws (1979), screenplay by Andrew Bergman, directed by Arthur Hiller
“A dozen years ago someone remarked that the weekend’s attempted assassination of Sukarno had all the earmarks of a CIA operation: Everyone in the room was killed except Sukarno.”— Political commentator, editor, and conservative public intellectual William F. Buckley (1925-2008), “On the Right,” Danville Register (Va.), Dec. 23, 1972
Well, this weekend’s removal of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro was more successful than that failed (and officially
denied) hit on the Cold War Indonesian President. The story has it
that the Central Intelligence Agency had been tracking Maduro’s activities since
August.
But I doubt that we will find out soon
whether the CIA under current head John Ratcliffe made any mistakes in this or
any other activities since the beginning of Trump 2. In a larger sense, questions
are already rising about even the wisdom of such covert operations as this one.
A warning to this effect was raised by none other than
current Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard. Within 24 hours of
President Trump’s announcement of Maduro’s removal, people with memories longer
than the 24-hour-news cycle were circulating Gabbard’s 2019 warning about such an operation:
“Venezuela poses no threat to the United States,”
Gabbard, then a Democrat, said in a video. “Congress has not authorized the
United States to go to war in Venezuela, and there’s no justification for our
country to violate the sovereignty of the Venezuelan people.”
Oct. 29, 1965— Frank Wisner, a workaholic former operations chief of the Central Intelligence Agency who directed multiple controversial covert activities in the early era of the Cold War, committed suicide at age 56 on the family farm on Maryland’s Eastern Shore.
The death
was the third in two decades of important figures who had shocked
Washington by taking their own lives. In 1949, after being asked to resign as
Defense Secretary by President Harry Truman, James Forrestal (whom I profiled
in this prior post) had leaped from a window while under psychiatric
care in Walter Reed Hospital. Philip Graham, publisher of The
Washington Post, killed himself with a shotgun in 1963.
All three men suffered from severe depression, with Wisner and Graham now formally diagnosed as having bipolar disorder and Forrestal exhibiting behavior that has led to more recent diagnoses of delusional disorder or schizophrenia.
The stress of being in
a position of significant responsibility—and, sometimes, not measuring up to
it—can result in feelings of worthlessness that lead to self-destructive
behavior. Though, unlike Forrestal or Graham, he was little known to the general public, Wisner,
by virtue of his leadership in the nuclear age, was as important a figure as
either.
Mental
illness was not the only tie among these three men. When the Office of Strategic
Services (OSS), the wartime intelligence organization to which Wisner had belonged,
was disbanded, Forrestal supported his lobbying effort for a replacement
agency. Moreover, when Wisner, as head of the Office of Policy Coordination
(OPC) authorized Operation Mockingbird in an alleged attempt to influence
American and foreign media, he selected Graham to run the project.
These
contacts with Forrestal and Graham were only a couple of examples of how Wisner
organized a network of mentors, friends, and proteges to further his intelligence
activities.
I first became
aware of these “global salvationists” intent on countering international
Communist influence in Burton Hersh’s 1992 account, The Old Boys: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA, which examined him in
relation to Eisenhower cold warriors John Foster Dulles and younger brother
Allen; legendary OSS chief ``Wild Bill'' Donovan; New Deal diplomat William C.
Bullitt; and Carmel Offie, the dandyish assistant to Bullitt and Wisner.
Later, in
the 1990s, Evan Thomas, in The Very Best Men, changed the focus
to how Wisner interacted with colleagues Richard Bissell, Tracy Barnes, and
Desmond FitzGerald in the CIA's formative period up to the Vietnam War.
These and
other government officials, politicians, and journalists formed part of an
elite “Georgetown social set” that, according to Thomas, “shared the same
social background, the same ideals, and the same confidence in America’s role
in the world.” Perhaps none embodied its aggressiveness and risk-taking quite
like Wisner.
The key event in his career occurred towards the end of World War II, when, while stationed in Bucharest in the fall of 1944, he warned his OSS superiors that the Soviets were taking over Romania.
Haunted by his failure to prevent this early maneuver in the campaign to pull Eastern Europe into the Soviet sphere of influence, Wisner was determined to combat the regime’s infiltration at every turn, there and elsewhere around the world, a far-flung set of espionage and psychological warfare operations that became known as “Wisner’s Wurlitzer.”
With
little to no American experience with spycraft before WWII, Presidents of both
parties had no record for assessing what worked and what wouldn’t. Two of the
more audacious CIA activities sanctioned by Wisner—coups against elected
leaders orchestrated in Iran and Guatemala—were initially deemed successful in
that they toppled regimes deemed friendly to the Soviets.
Within a
quarter century, however, policymakers were grappling with the consequences of
the coups: mistrust about American motives throughout Latin America, and in
Iran, a revolution that put in power the Ayatollah Khomeini’s hostile theocratic
regime.
In Eastern
Europe, Wisner was willing to accept ex-Nazis if they would help strike back
against the USSR. CIA backing of dissidents within the Eastern bloc could not
dislodge the Soviets, however, and the crushed 1956 Hungarian revolution only fed Wisner’s frustration and
guilt over encouraging it with propaganda without US military backing.
In December
1956, Wisner suffered a nervous breakdown that several friends attributed to
the failed uprising. Psychoanalysis and electroconvulsive treatment
were not enough to alleviate his condition.
With
access to Wisner’s medical records provided by his children, Douglas Waller
contends in the biography The Determined Spy that the spymaster’s
mental illness predated any malaise he may have felt about being transferred
from Langley to a less consequential London posting. That’s surely true, but
the ambitious Wisner’s sense that he was being placed on the shelf surely didn’t
help his frame of mind.
Wisner
retired in 1962 from the agency to which he had brought his unflagging energy and
willingness to push against legal and ethical norms to bring down the Soviets.
A lucrative consulting business over the next three years did little to assuage
his growing anguish, until he borrowed a shotgun from one of his sons and
killed himself.
Three months after the Rockefeller Commission released its report documenting abuses by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Three Days of the Condor was released 50 years ago this week, further heightening audiences’ fears about a secret government agency run amok.
The movie,
which starred Robert Redford, brought in $27 million in box-office
revenues on a budget of $20 million, cementing the actor’s status as the
premier leading man of the mid-1970s after it had been temporarily disrupted by
the underperforming The Great Gatsby.
The film was
an adaptation of the James Grady novel Six Days of the Condor. Though
there were numerous changes from page to screen (itemized in Allan MacInnis’s 2011 post from the “Alienated in Vancouver” blog), the most significant
might have been the time compression indicated by the title.
Peter
Yates, who worked with Redford three years before on The Hot Rock, was
originally set to direct. But he was replaced by Sydney Pollack, who had
collaborated with the star on The Way We Were and would make a total of
seven films with him.
Pollack’s “great
gift,” Redford said in a Time Magazine interview after his friend’s
death in 2008, was “to cover what could have been just sort of crass commercial
filmmaking with a whole artistic [approach] that was more abstracted and was
more hip and was more offbeat.”
In Pollack’s
filmography, the movie resembling this the most might be The Pelican Brief,
another slick thriller featuring the biggest box-office star of the time (Tom
Cruise) and the requisite love interest (Jeanne Tripplehorn).
Redford’s
character, Joe Turner, goes out to pick up lunch for his colleagues at the fictitious
American Literary Historical Society (a CIA cover), only to discover upon his
return that all his coworkers have been slaughtered. Following a planned
attempt to “come in from the cold” that nearly ends with his own assassination,
he goes on the run to save his life and ferret out the truth
Reflecting in some manner the film’s plot, the atmosphere on the set was “tense,” according to this recollection by photographer Terry O’Neill, “mainly because the film was very topical, New York City was a bleak place in 1974, the President [Nixon] had just resigned, and the former head of the CIA [Richard Helms] was supposedly on set talking to Robert Redford.”
That turned out to be
the case, as the actor was, with as little fanfare as possible, eliciting from
Helms inside tips about his former agency.
Redford’s
Turner is supposed to be bookish and slightly naïve as he pores over books
in his unsecured office.
But Redford
being Redford, he doesn’t look the slightest bit nerdy, an impression enhanced
by his stylishly casual apparel: flared denim, a gold and gray wool tie, and a
gray tweed herringbone jacket that fostered such a fashion trend that “all menswear
guys have tried to copy this jacket,” said French designer Nicolas Gabard, according
to Charles Teasdale’s retrospective on the film this month in The Financial
Times.
I guess
the filmmakers needed something to make it plausible that Faye Dunaway’s
Kathy would fall for this stranger who abducts her in his frantic attempt to
stay alive—not normal behavior for most women in similar circumstances.
But for
all that, the plot was taut and the conspiracy details not especially
far-fetched—especially so for 1970s audiences who were learning daily, through
the evening news, to distrust whatever the government was telling them.
Though Dunaway
did not experience with Redford or Pollack the animosity she had encountered
with Roman Polanski on Chinatown, her role was also hardly as complex or
extensive as in that classic neo-noir. Nor was she able to rehearse or
emotionally bond much with Redford, who was already busy with pre-production on
All the President’s Men.
That
adaptation of the Bob Woodward-Carl Bernstein bestseller about how they broke
the Watergate story was a real-life version of the “paranoid” or “conspiracy”
thriller genre that became so prominent in the Seventies.
Such
movies as The Parallax View, The Conversation, Klute, and Winter
Kills marked a sharp turn away from nail-biters from a few decades before, when—at
least on film—the U.S. government protected its citizens from foreign agents
infiltrating the U.S. (Additionally, two Godfather movies and Chinatown
evinced cynicism about Law and Order, American style.)
Now, with
revelations of Presidential deceit about Watergate and Vietnam—not to mention
the assassinations of the Kennedys and Martin Luther King Jr.—the American
government and private companies with access to high-tech equipment and secrets
were being depicted as nefarious.
Unlike
wartime and later “conspiracy” movies, Three Days of the Condor was
neither blithely optimistic nor pessimistic. Its “open” ending about Turner’s
fate was, however, deeply disquieting—in effect, leaving it up to the public to
defend against attacks on the liberty of institutions as much as on individuals, from whatever quarter.
“An unfortunate truth of espionage is that the
public only hears about the errors of the CIA; their success stories are never
revealed. The opposite is the case for cooking—culinary flops are forgotten
while the great meals are remembered long after. The smart cook strives for the
best of both worlds—in the field and the kitchen—behaving as a clandestine
operative of cuisine. Here are the essential rules for cooks and spies: Discard
your failures swiftly. Learn from mistakes. Identify saboteurs such as a clumsy
prep-cook or a spouse who hides the salt. Take credit for others’ work and
blame your mistakes on underlings. Most importantly: keep your top recipes
secret.” —Chris Offutt, “CIA Cake and Jeff Davis Pie,” Oxford American, Fall 2014