Stunned and staggered by the midterm elections, the
Republican Party wrestled 150 years ago this month with what to do after losing
control of the House of Representatives for the first time since before the
Civil War.
Its solution—failing to enforce civil-rights measures
that they themselves had enacted—was the opening note in a retreat from the Reconstruction
program that President Ulysses S. Grant (pictured) had championed in the
defeated Confederate states.
Their surrender would be formalized in the
controversial Compromise of 1877 that enabled them to hold onto the White House for Rutherford B. Hayes at the price of withdrawing federal troops from the South.
The surprising magnitude of the GOP losses—"the
greatest reversal of partisan alignments in the entire nineteenth century,”
according to prominent Reconstruction historian Eric Foner—will feel uncannily
familiar to Democrats this month: thinner margins of victory in regions they
once won going away, and outright losses in other places considered party
strongholds.
Dissatisfaction spread rapidly with the so-called Radical Republican faction, just as moderate Democrats have been heaping scorn on
the “woke” segment of their party in the wake of Kamala Harris’ loss of the
Presidency to Donald Trump.
Yet the 1874 Republicans, like the 2024 Democrats,
fell victim to larger forces with often interlocking impacts on the electorate.
Midterm elections in Presidents’ second terms have
been nicknamed “the six-year itch” because of voters’ unease with the party in
power.
The most significant of such losses have, in the case of 1874 as well as
1918, 1938, and 1966, abruptly curtailed reform eras. These epitomized the down
points in what the late historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. called “the cycles of
American history.”
The 1874 midterms were particularly consequential,
though, because they spelled the premature end of a biracial coalition that
redefined the nature of citizenship, expanded voting rights, and sought to
increase economic opportunity—with especially significant achievements in
passing the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments.
But southern whites rebelled at African-Americans
gaining the right to vote and, even more so, winning public office. Despite
President Grant’s crackdowns on the Ku Klux Klan, fraud, intimidation, and
domestic terrorism had become openly practiced, even institutionalized.
The midterms—which converted the party’s 110-vote
margin in the House into a Democratic majority of sixty seats, while giving the
Democrats a net gain of 10 seats in the Senate— concluded an awful year for the
Republicans and for the freedmen they had made it a point to protect:
*The Panic of 1873 (which I discussed in this prior post) carried over into the next year, resulting in reduced state
budgets and lower tax rates, private contractors who leased convicts (the start
of the “chain gang” system), and slashed funding for the public schools that
had been a major achievement of biracial legislatures.
*Grant’s veto of an “inflation bill,” which had been passed by
Congress to mitigate the impact of the depression, gave the Democrats a wedge
among eastern immigrants and western farmers.
*The “Sanborn incident,” involving private
collection of taxes and excises, engulfed Treasury Secretary William Richardson
in scandal and solidified the Grant cabinet’s reputation for corruption.
*The July 1874 collapse of the Freedman’s Bank,
with operations promoted by the federal government but assets not regulated or
guaranteed by it, depleted the wealth of thousands of African-Americans, left
them distrustful of the private sector in the long term, and fueled specious
white racist claims that blacks were too ignorant and financially feckless to
be trusted with state fiscal responsibility.
*The 1873 Colfax Massacre in Louisiana, precipitated
by the contested gubernatorial election the year before, set off a firestorm of
fraud, intimidation, and domestic terrorism by Democrats—as well as tensions
among competing Republican factions— in southern states in 1874, most notably
through the White League paramilitary organization that, in perpetrating
violence against black officeholders and their white allies, effectively
overthrew the governments of Louisiana and Alabama.
* Before the Civil War, white Northerners who went
south to own, build, or manage slave plantations suffered little or no obloquy
from their new neighbors. Now, however, because of their political alliance with
blacks, they were stigmatized as “carpetbaggers” and, through the “Mississippi Plan”—devised in 1874 and implemented the following year—forced them either to
switch from the Republicans to Democrats or leave the state.
When a political party loses its will, it runs the
risk of losing its way—and that is exactly the situation in which the
Republicans found themselves in the aftermath of the midterms.
The Radical Republicans, the party faction that had
most zealously pursued racial equality and sought to enforce it in the South
through the use of federal troops, increasingly lost favor with a Northern
public that, with its minimal goals for the Civil War achieved (the end of
slavery, restoration of the union), had no desire for racial equality.
As Ron Chernow noted in his biography Grant,
the stinging setback his party was dealt at the polls meant that the new
congressional Democratic majority, flashing its investigative powers, “turned a
glaring searchlight on executive departments to ferret out corruption, a tactic
used to discredit the administration on Reconstruction.” The new House
Democratic committee chairs were now also empowered to stall additional
pro-civil rights measures by the administration.
With his energy increasingly spent on combating this
Congressional mischief and his anxiety rising that the Republicans would be
punished further at the polls, President Grant now hesitated to employ federal troops
on an indefinite basis against marauding Southern whites lest he be accused of “bayonet
rule.”
With this backlash unpunished, Southern Democrats were
well-launched on their program of “Redemption” of state governments from
Republican rule. They were further aided by a Supreme Court that interpreted
the 14th Amendment broadly in one direction (defining corporations
as “persons”) while narrowly construing its civil-rights protections for
African-Americans.
It is well-known that, despite losing the popular
vote, Republicans retained the White House in the 1876 election with a deal
that secured an Electoral College victory in exchange for ending occupation of
the Southern states.
Yet corruption existed on the Democratic side, too, in a
campaign of violence that further loosened Republican control of the Southern
states.
“Time would reveal that 1874 inaugurated a new era in
national politics,” writes Foner, “although one of stalemate rather than
Democratic ascendancy.” With control of Congress split between the two parties,
little important could get done in the next couple of decades.
As the ancillary rewards of an industrial economy
beckoned, Republicans doffed their mantle as the rights-protecting “party of
Lincoln” in favor of becoming the electoral home of Gilded Age robber barons.
Lacking the right to vote, blacks also were unable to
gain patronage jobs that might have provided a ladder into the middle class, as
well as informal welfare to cushion their losses in economic reversals.
The end of Reconstruction marked the dawn of legalized
“Jim Crow” segregation—most entrenched politically in the South, but even economically in
the North. It also gave rise to a disgraceful school of historiography that
greatly exaggerated the failings of the Republican-led Southern governments in
Reconstruction.
It would take W.E.B. DuBois’ 1935 masterful
reassessment of the post-Civil War period, Black Reconstruction in America, 1860-1880, and especially
the revisionist historians who more assiduously investigated the period
beginning 20 years later, before the successes and failures of these
governments could be more fairly weighed.
The residue of the failure to achieve genuine racial
equality, however, continues to poison American politics, stymieing economic
progress and encouraging extremism.