“In 1980, I covered the Republican National Convention
in Detroit for a magazine [The New Republic]. The Republicans put most of their delegates across the river in
a hotel in Canada. They put cardboard over the windows of the buses so when
they went through the funky Detroit neighborhoods they wouldn’t see them on the
way to the Joe Louis Arena. These delegates from Kansas and other parts of the
country did not even see these neighborhoods, so in effect they could never
admit that these areas exist. They never saw them. This is what you’re asked to
do for most American films, and it may be appropriate for certain movies, but
it’s one of the reasons that Americans don’t know anything about their own
history.” — Indie actor-screenwriter-director-novelist John Sayles interviewed
by Antonio D’Ambrosio, “An Interview with John Sayles,” The Believer
(Issue 61, March 2009)
Forty years ago today, in his third attempt, Ronald Reagan took the decisive step in his 12-year campaign to achieve the nation’s
highest office when he accepted the Republican nomination for President. He
would go on to move the GOP in a new, more conservative direction and solidify
the support of the party faithful in a manner not seen until the rise of Donald
Trump.
The so-called "Rockefeller Republicans" of moderate liberals--named for the New York Governor who, 20 years before, had successfully pressed Richard Nixon to add a more pro-civil-rights stance to the party platform at that year's convention--were well on their way to dinosaur status.
The so-called "Rockefeller Republicans" of moderate liberals--named for the New York Governor who, 20 years before, had successfully pressed Richard Nixon to add a more pro-civil-rights stance to the party platform at that year's convention--were well on their way to dinosaur status.
With a genial smile and a wave of the hand, Reagan had also confirmed
that the Republican commitment to civil rights that had been a part of its philosophy
since Abraham Lincoln had considerably softened—or, at very least, had become secondary to
its visceral dislike of government, the primary means for ensuring equality
before the law.
In his acceptance speech at the convention, Reagan hailed "that American spirit which knows no ethnic, religious, social,
political, regional, or economic boundaries." It is easy to miss from the sonorous tones that the word "racial" is missing from this list. From the perspective of 2020, it is much harder to miss a particularly piquant phrase: "a great national crusade to make America great again."
The role of racism in the GOP realignment that began
with Richard Nixon’s election in 1968 is a fraught one. Arguing that race has
been central to the swing toward the GOP over the last half-century is
counter-productive, as it not only angers individuals who resent being labeled
racist, but also fails to account for the concerns of particular elections,
including prosperity and national security.
But the observation by filmmaker John Sayles offers
another way of viewing this. After the postwar period of convulsions over race,
much of the electorate preferred not to look at its continuing presence on the
American scene. It was just too ugly and painful. Better to move away, even to
block one’s view of this.
That tendency was embodied in Reagan. In a PBS “Newshour”roundtable discussion of "The Reagan Legacy" with Jim Lehrer following the President’s death in 2004,
historian Richard Norton Smith noted that Reagan was “one of those classic
examples of conservative Republicans who on the personal level would gift their
shirt off their back to someone in need whoever it is but who on a cultural and
philosophical level can often be accused of at least insensitivity.” He was
personally kind to individual African-Americans.
In recent years, Reagan’s stock among historians has
risen, with Siena College Research Institute poll results released last year
showing that he had risen from 18th in the last time these scholars
were surveyed to 12th. But I think that improvement will itself come
in for revision, and that Reagan will slip back to something close to his prior
ranking.
Although the U.S. economy recovered in the Reagan era,
the results were not shared evenly. Inequality rose during his eight years in
office, as shown by Capital and Main’s Abby Kingsley in an article for Fast Company Magazine. Numerous initiatives begun during his
administration widened the gap between rich and poor, including:
* The Omnibus Reconciliation Act of
1981, which made hundreds of thousands of families ineligible for Aid to
Families with Dependent Children;
* A 74% reduction in the budget
allocation for the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development in the
1980s;
*Reagan’s 1981 breaking of a strike by the Professional
Air Traffic Controllers Organization, which dramatically underscored the
decline of American unions;
*The 1981 tax cut, which reduced the tax burden for
the top bracket while redistributing it toward the middle; and
*Stock buybacks' legalization in 1981 by the Securities and Exchange
Commission, which encouraged corporations to
prioritize stock value over distributing earnings to employees through bonuses
or salary raises.
African-Americans’ economic advances, only recently
gained, were materially affected by all of this. Reagan’s tone and rhetoric
likewise signaled that Blacks could not look to the federal government for
help.
Campaigning in Georgia in 1980, the candidate noted that Confederate President Jefferson Davis was “a hero of mine.” His continual invocation of “states’ rights” cut little ice with a group that had heard that concept used to undercut their rightful demand for their own rights at the ballot box and in the workplace.
Campaigning in Georgia in 1980, the candidate noted that Confederate President Jefferson Davis was “a hero of mine.” His continual invocation of “states’ rights” cut little ice with a group that had heard that concept used to undercut their rightful demand for their own rights at the ballot box and in the workplace.
Reagan's belief in laissez-faire government was matched
only by his laissez-faire managerial style—a work practice that got him in
trouble during the Iran-contra scandal. He simply did not notice things, much like
the bus riders from outside Detroit who propelled him toward the
Presidency in July 1980.
Whatever else happens this election year, there will
be no more cardboard that can be used to obscure problems experienced
by African-Americans. It will be impossible to turn away from them again, and
the burden will be all the heavier on Americans 40 years after the ascendancy of Ronald Reagan to find the solutions that he did not see as a priority.
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