But
I never doubted that your heart was broken in the flood
And
though we had to shoot you down in golden Béal na Blath
I
always knew that Ireland lost her greatest son of all.”—Larry Kirwan, “The Big
Fellah,” performed by Black 47 on their Home of the Brave CD (1994)
Like
their song “Bobby Kennedy,” the tribute by Black 47 to Michael Collins examines,
with vast historical awareness that matches its songwriting craft, a legendarily
tough, surprisingly vulnerable leader struck down before he could fulfill his
potential.
And, as with RFK, the fate of Collins’ country was altered
fundamentally when “The Big Fellah” was ambushed on this date in 1922.
Those
of Irish descent are likely to look at both Collins and Kennedy with a mixture
of Celtic romanticism and Greek fatalism. Both men died much too soon—RFK at
42, Collins a decade younger. And both had seemingly courted death by brushing
off warnings by aides to be more careful.
The
Béal na Blath allusion in the song
comes from Gaelic: “Mouth of Flowers.” It beckons with all the soft
seductiveness of death itself in its early stages.
Indeed, the Irish revolutionary
leader, now commander-in-chief of the National Army of the new Irish Free
State, couldn’t conceive that this valley in the county that he called home
would contain people in any way hostile to him.
The loss of two men so young and full of life as Kennedy and Collins, along with tumultuous struggles that engaged them at the time of their deaths, may account as much as any other factor for the conspiracy theories that flourished after their deaths. You can take your pick who wanted Bobby dead: the Mafia, the Teamsters, LBJ, etc. Such was Britain’s longstanding spying on the Irish that many Collins partisans believed he had been set up by the British Secret Service.
Two
lines from “Bobby Kennedy” could be inserted, almost as appropriately, into “Big
Fellah”: “Don't get mad, just get even/Keep on going though your heart is
bleeding.”
The reference is obvious in the song about Kennedy—Bobby’s searing
sorrow over the assassination of brother Jack—and, in Collins’ case, it applies
to someone he regarded as close to a brother: his comrade in arms Harry Boland.
They split over the free state issue, but when Collins heard of Boland’s death
in the Irish Civil War, he burst out weeping at the news.
The loss of two men so young and full of life as Kennedy and Collins, along with tumultuous struggles that engaged them at the time of their deaths, may account as much as any other factor for the conspiracy theories that flourished after their deaths. You can take your pick who wanted Bobby dead: the Mafia, the Teamsters, LBJ, etc. Such was Britain’s longstanding spying on the Irish that many Collins partisans believed he had been set up by the British Secret Service.
Probably the most vivid demonstration of a different line came from a Catholic priest in Cork who delivered a stinging sermon about Eamon de Valera's part in the unfolding events: "There was a scowling face at a window looking out over that lonely valley and de Valera could tell who it was."
RFK
and Collins have also inspired countless ruminations on what might have
transpired, both for themselves and their countries, had they not been struck
down by bullets.
Bobby, his partisans think, would have kept the Democratic
Party from fracturing into the “New Politics” factions that championed his
opponent in the primaries, Gene McCarthy, and the old guard of labor unions and
blue-collar ethnic groups. Thus, he would have defeated Richard Nixon for the
Presidency in November 1968. He would have pulled America out of Vietnam more
quickly, and, of course, there would not have been a Watergate.
With
Collins, the speculation is based on less wishful thinking. He would have
sought, far more than the old boss who had become his opponent over Ireland’s
treaty with Britain, Eamon de Valera, to ameliorate divisions between
Protestants and Catholics.
Just as crucially, the onetime Minister of Finance
for the Irish revolutionary movement had far-reaching, specific development ideas
that would have steered the nation away from both socialism and laissez-faire
capitalism.
In short, Ireland would not be afflicted with what became its
characteristics over the next four decades dominated by de Valera, according to
Tim Pat Coogan’s 1992 biography of Collins, The Man Who Made Ireland: “Bitterness, cynicism, disillusionment, emigration,
censorship, clericalism and stagnation.”
The
image here comes from John Lavery’s painting Michael Collins (Love of Ireland), in the Dublin City Gallery, Hugh
Lane.
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