“They keep moving the goal posts on us. Another hoary sports metaphor implying unfair treatment of the lobbyist’s client. In reality, what it means is that the government procurement organization has the temerity to demand that the client meet the required cost, schedule, and performance criteria in the contract.”— Historian, writer, and former congressional staff member Mike Lofgren, “The Washington Lobbyist’s Phrasebook,” Washington Monthly, July/August 2018 issue
As I read
this quote, I chuckled at business executives’ lament about “moving the goal
posts.” These days, after President Trump permitted Elon Musk to bulldoze multiple
federal regulatory agencies, there are few if any goal posts, let alone
yardsticks, for the business world to complain about.
That may
turn out to be a mixed blessing not just for American society but for corporate
libertarians.
For one
thing, CEOs will no longer have an excuse for their underperformance. (Not that
they won’t try to create new ones, anyway.)
Worse,
though, is the blizzard of changes to the procurement process resulting from
Trump’s aggressive use of executive orders—150 from his inauguration through
early May, according to a “Government Contracts Update” issued that
month by the international law firm Vinson & Elkins. Who can imagine
what the longtime bible of the procurement process, the Federal Register (pictured), will look like a
year from now?
Uncertainty
is the new coin of the realm in a Washington dominated by a certain “stable
genius.”
The “Update”
focuses on four of those executive orders, laying out, in admirably cogent
detail, their impacts. But even before that, it surely leaves many readers in a
sweat by cautioning them to brace for “an increased risk of terminations,
changes, delays, and disputes.”
How bad could
this be? How about Executive Order 14275 (“Restoring Common Sense to
Federal Procurement”), sharply reducing and narrowing compliance obligations—but
also eliminating the uniformity and predictability derived from long experience
with relevant agencies?
What
George Wallace memorably derided as “pointy-headed bureaucrats” are going to
look much more appealing than a new class of officials, all trying to guess at
the intentions of a mercurial President.
Trump and
Musk promoted their changes as a means of cutting a swath through the “deep
state” of unelected bureaucrats who thwart Presidential will. That’s much to
the chagrin of Lofgren, a conservative Republican who coined the term and even
wrote a book on the subject, only to see it co-opted in ways he never intended.
By this
June, Lofgren, having long since vowed not to vote for the GOP again until it would
“demonstrate to me that they've purged Trumpism," was starkly warning, in an essay for Salon, that the
term “authoritarian” was insufficient to describe how the administration is now
“distinctly moving toward the principal goal of the totalitarian project:
erasing the distinction between civil society and the state”—i.e., inserting
itself into “every facet of American life,” including “dictating prices to
retail businesses.”
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