I have encountered this bronze equestrian statue of George Washington several times while walking near New York’s Union Square Park.
My most recent sighting not only led me to take this photo, but to think about
why it resonates with me so much.
The oldest statue in New York City’s parks
collection, this creation by Henry Kirke Brown (1814-1886) has withstood a great deal—the elements, of course, and
movement from a traffic island at the southeast corner of the square to its
central location in the south plaza. But it remains a point of reference for
New Yorkers—most dramatically after 9/11, where it became a de facto shrine.
When I did a Google search to find out the number of
statues in this country in honor of this iconic figure, the results amounted to
a collective throwing up of the hands. You might as well try to count the
number of grains of sand by the ocean. Heck, there’s even a monument to the
first American President in London’s Trafalgar Square.
That last bit of unlikely recognition might owe
something to the same instinct that led King George III to exclaim that the
former American commander-in-chief’s renunciation of the Presidency after two terms “placed him
in a light the most distinguished of any man living...the greatest character of the age."
Okay, now how many statues of Benedict Arnold
are there in the United States? Less than a quarter of a statue. The national park containing Saratoga battlefield in upstate New
York honors the “memory of the most brilliant soldier of the Continental army,
who was desperately wounded on this spot, winning for his countrymen the
decisive battle of the American Revolution, and for himself the rank of Major
General.”
Because Benedict Arnold tried to betray his country
three years after Saratoga by handing West Point over to the British, the whole
man could not be honored, not even named, only that part of him displaying courage—his boot.
Over time, Americans have become fascinated by our
rogues while taking our heroes for granted—even feeling the need to take them
down a peg. And so, the man once hailed by one of the men he commanded in the
American Revolution, “Light-Horse Harry” Lee, as “first in war, first in
peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen” is having his contributions
slighted, when not outright forgotten.
Right-wing Republicans delight in
mocking progressives for their politically correct tendency to remove statues.
They have a point—until, that is, some of them reveal who their real
idea of a hero is.
And so, a few weeks ago, listening to one of the
Sunday morning news shows, I heard an admirer of the current White House
incumbent hail him as our greatest President—ever.
(By the way, I refuse in this post to include the
incumbent’s name. It only feeds his maniacal desire for attention. Instead,
I’ll refer to him with an epithet first used by Spy Magazine three
decades ago that serves equally well today: “short-fingered vulgarian”—SFV for short.)
No matter how ludicrous, ignorant, insane—okay,
downright morally offensive—that judgment might be, this woman is by no means
an outlier in the current GOP. A poll this past December by The Economist/YouGov found that a majority (53%) of
GOP respondents think SFV is a better president than Abraham Lincoln. If that’s
how they feel about the incumbent versus Honest Abe, another Republican, I’m afraid
that poor George doesn’t stand a chance.
It's worthwhile, then, going over again why
Americans valued the example of Washington for so long—and why Arnold was
loathed.
The difference between the traitor and the hero—as
well as their motives—are summed up extremely well in Nathaniel Philbrick’s Valiant Ambition: George Washington, Benedict Arnold, and the Fate of the American Revolution:
“[Benedict] Arnold had never worried about the
consequences of his actions. Guilt was simply not a part of his make-up since
everything he did was, to his own mind, at least, justifiable….[But]
Washington's sense of right and wrong existed outside the impulsive demands of
his own self-interest. Rules mattered to Washington. Even though Congress had
made his life miserable for the last four years, he had found ways to do what
he considered best for his army and his country without challenging the
supremacy of civil authority. To do otherwise, to declare himself, like the
seventeenth-century English revolutionary Oliver Cromwell, master of his army
and his country, would require him to become 'lost to my own character.’”
By a stroke of luck, Arnold narrowly evaded being
brought to justice for colluding with a foreign power. Boiling with resentment,
set on recrimination, he felt unleashed as a newly commissioned Brigadier
General in the British army, laying waste to Virginia.
In the end, it did him no good. The British lost. Reviled
alike by the countrymen whose trust he betrayed and the foreign handlers whose
favors he bargained for, Arnold died, feeling more unappreciated than ever, two
decades later, unforgiven for wildly conflating the public interest with his
own private one.
That “sense of right and wrong” that mattered so
much to his old commander—well, for a certain part of the populace that once hailed the stress on "characters" only a couple of decades ago, it seems so old-fashioned, much like the 110 “Rules of Civility,” which Washington copied out as a schoolboy and spent the rest of his
life practicing.
We are going to see soon if we continue to live in
Washington’s America or the one desired by Arnold—animated by greed, dancing to
the tune of outside forces who abominate democracy.
If we ever erect a statue in honor of the SFV so
preferred by so many Republicans, I suggest that it be, in the manner of
Arnold’s at Saratoga, not a Washington-style equestrian figure but something
more appropriate—an upraised middle finger.
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